WSJ : In Australia, Central Bank Reveals More Hawkish Stance

In Australia, Central Bank Reveals More Hawkish Stance
RBA keeps interest rates at record-low level, but cautions on inflation

SYDNEY—The Reserve Bank of Australia kept its official cash rate at emergency settings, but nudged open the door to an interest-rate increase in the months ahead with a more hawkish outlook.

The country’s central bank on Tuesday said it would keep its benchmark rate at 0.10%, as economists had expected, but dropped remarks that it was prepared to be patient from policy guidance as it acknowledged signs that wage growth could accelerate.

“Over coming months, important additional evidence will be available to the board on both inflation and the evolution of labor costs,” RBA Gov. Philip Lowe said in a statement. The board will assess that data to find a policy path that will support full employment in Australia and keep inflation in line with its target, he said.

Economists said the statement was more hawkish than expected. Omitting earlier references to patience signaled the timing of Australia’s first rate hike since 2010 had been brought forward considerably, said David Plank, head of Australian economics at ANZ Bank. While the RBA appears to be pointing to a June interest-rate increase, a rise in May can’t be ruled out, he said.

The RBA has been an outlier among central banks, frequently preaching restraint on a return to rising rates despite climbing inflation.

Federal Reserve officials last month voted to lift interest rates and penciled in six more increases by year’s end, the most aggressive pace in more than 15 years, in an escalating effort to slow inflation that is running at its highest levels in four decades.

But, unlike the U.S., where workers have been receiving much fatter paychecks, Australian pay raises remain below the 3.0% annual increase the country’s central bank has indicated as a key threshold for a pivot on rates.

Wage growth remained subdued at 2.3% in the fourth quarter of last year. Core inflation ran at under 3.0% in the same period.

In Australia, income growth has been moribund for a decade. Mr. Lowe has previously said rates shouldn’t rise until there is more evidence of increasing salaries, or it would risk pushing inflation back below the central bank’s target range.

The RBA wants to get inflation entrenched in a 2%-3% band again, after a yearslong lull.

Australia has a rigid wage-setting system, under which close to 40% of workers are part of industrywide pay agreements that could be years from being renegotiated. The enterprise-bargaining agreements have, meantime, locked in annual increases in many cases well below a pace that would satisfy RBA policy makers.

Once a heavily unionized country, today only a small proportion of Australian workers are represented by unions, skewing the power in wage negotiations toward employers.

On Tuesday, Mr. Lowe said wage growth on aggregate remains around the relatively low rates that prevailed before the pandemic. “There are, however, some areas where larger wage increases are occurring” and there is the prospect of further growth given the tightness of the labor market, he said.

Economists had been urging the RBA to begin signaling a rate increase on the horizon. Financial markets have for some time been pricing in the prospect of an interest-rate increase in June, followed by a rapid tightening cycle over the following year.

“The market has been widely expecting this pivot by the RBA for some time,” said Ivan Colhoun, global head of research at National Australia Bank. “Indeed, there are around 13 rate increases currently priced over the next two years.”

Many economists are expecting to see a sharp acceleration in consumer-price growth as recent floods have pushed up food prices, and soaring crude-oil prices have sharply raised gasoline prices at the pump.

Australia’s unemployment rate has headed toward its lowest point since the early 1970s, with job vacancies at record levels as a strong economic recovery tightens the labor market.

Still, the RBA’s decision to cut the reference to patience from its guidance led to a further jump in the Australian dollar, to a high of 76.26 U.S. cents from 75.40 cents before the statement. The gain extended a monthslong climb in the Australian currency that has been supported by rising commodity prices, most recently exacerbated by the conflict in Ukraine.

First-quarter inflation data, to be published later this month, and first-quarter wage-growth figures due in May will be critical for the central bank’s decision making and market pricing around the timing of a rate increase, said Robert Rennie, head of financial market strategy at Westpac. He said the Australian dollar could meantime climb further, toward 77 cents, given continuing support from elevated thermal-coal prices.

FT : Roman Abramovich: The ‘billionaire from nowhere’ and his back-channel diplo

Roman Abramovich: The ‘billionaire from nowhere’ and his back-channel diplomacy

Abramovich’s diplomatic voyage
Roman Abramovich’s allies paint him as a philanthropist and football enthusiast who flung himself into attempts to stop Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

His critics say he’s a cunning businessman who, having made his money from buying oil group Sibneft in an auction (which critics allege was rigged), would do almost anything to preserve his carefully-constructed life in the West and salvage his overseas assets.

The role played by Chelsea Football Club’s owner in Russia-Ukraine peace talks, which Vladimir Putin personally approved, remains unclear, according to a source sympathetic to the Russian billionaire, who spoke to the FT for this deep-dive by DD’s Arash Massoudi and a team of colleagues.

“Could it be a double agenda? Sure, but who else could do that — to help Ukraine and stop Russia?” the person close to him said. “Roman’s the only one who’s trying.”

Orphaned from the age of three, Abramovich found his way into oil trading after the collapse of the Soviet Union and — thanks to a chance encounter in 1994 with the Russian tycoon Boris Berezovsky — was well placed to take advantage of the country’s pawning of its crown jewels.

During that period of turbulence, Abramovich acquired Sibneft with Berezovsky for about $200mn, a fraction of the $13bn for which he would sell it to state-owned Gazprom in 2005, a deal that provides the source of most of Abramovich’s wealth.

“He was a shadowy tycoon from Siberia [ . . .] then all of a sudden he is a legitimate British businessman with a fat cheque underwritten by the Russian government,” said Roman Borisovich, a former Russian banker turned anti-corruption campaigner.

The so-called “Billionaire from Nowhere” played down any suggestion that he was a close confidant of Putin as he snapped up a £200mn portfolio of UK property, various megayachts and the football club that made him a household name in Britain. (Side note: his 15-bedroom mansion in Kensington Palace Gardens was formerly the Soviet embassy.)

But as his Londongrad empire came under fire, Abramovich flipped the script that he had written for himself, using his personal relationship with Putin as his trump card and a source of leverage as a peacemaker as he jetted between Moscow, Israel and Turkey and even Kyiv.

“It looks like they have much closer relations than I believed. He was always closer to Putin than me, but I didn’t think he was this close,” said one oligarch who has known both men since the 1990s. “Nobody was aware. Nobody else could play this role.”

As Abramovich shuttles around, so too do some of his yachts. He owns or is linked to five yachts estimated to be worth almost $1bn, including several whose ownership remained secret until the FT first reported about their existence last week.

Solaris, which he reportedly owns, left a Turkish marina on Monday after the FT reported lawyers’ views that the UK-listed operator of the port risked violating sanctions by harbouring the vessel.

>>> Europe : Brokers Upgrades & Downgrades - 5th of April 2022 V2(+)

>>> Up
* Atrium Ljungberg Raised to Buy at Kepler Cheuvreux (+)
* Basler Raised to Buy at Berenberg; PT 135 euros
* NN Raised to Overweight at Morgan Stanley; PT 54.30 euros
* Prudential Raised to Neutral at Exane (+)
* Swedbank Raised to Buy at Deutsche Bank
* Teva ADRs Raised to Overweight at Barclays; PT $13
* TGS Raised to Buy at SpareBank; PT 173 kroner
* Unipol Raised to Outperform at Exane (+)
* Vestas Raised to Outperform at Credit Suisse; PT 250 kroner (+)

>>> Down
* Berkshire Hathaway Cut to Hold at Edward Jones
* CareTech Cut to Hold at Berenberg; PT 750 pence
* Catena Cut to Hold at Kepler Cheuvreux; PT 590 kronor (+)
* Credit Agricole Cut to Sell at AlphaValue/Baader
* Enagas Cut to Sell at Alantra Equities; PT 20.64 euros (+)
* Kojamo Cut to Neutral at JPMorgan; PT 24.25 euros
* Kongsberg Cut to Hold at SEB Equities; PT 370 kroner
* Lloyds Cut to Equal-Weight at Barclays; PT 58 pence
* M&G Cut to Underperform at Exane (+)
* Moneysupermarket Cut to Equal-Weight at Barclays; PT 220 pence
* Munich Re Cut to Equal-Weight at Morgan Stanley; PT 275 euros
* Next Fifteen Cut to Add at Peel Hunt; PT 1,580 pence (+)
* Olvi Cut to Hold at SEB Equities; PT 37 euros
* Paccar Cut to Hold at Jefferies; PT $85
* Traton Cut to Hold at Stifel; PT 18 euros
* UnipolSai Cut to Underperform at Exane (+)
* Vale ADRs Cut to Hold at Deutsche Bank; PT $22
* Valmet Cut to Hold at Handelsbanken
* Virgin Money UK Cut to Equal-Weight at Barclays; PT 225 pence
* Vodafone Cut to Hold at Berenberg; PT 145 pence

>>> Initiation
* Adyen Rated New Overweight at Wells Fargo; PT 2,201 euros
* Amedeo Air Four Plus Rated New Buy at Liberum; PT 38 pence (+)
* Darktrace Rated New Underweight at JPMorgan; PT 400 pence
* FastPartner Rated New Hold at Kepler Cheuvreux; PT 110 kronor (+)
* Fiserv Reinstated Overweight at Wells Fargo; PT $122
* GSK Rated New Buy at Spin-Off Research; PT 1,800 pence
* Michelmersh Brick Rated New Buy at Berenberg; PT 160 pence
* PayPal Reinstated Overweight at Wells Fargo; PT $152
* Water Intelligence Rated New Buy at Arden Partners

>> Call
* Casino Gets ‘Important’ Boost From Mercialys Sale: Bryan Garnier (+)
* Lloyds, Virgin Money Cut on Mortgage Margin Headwinds: Barclays (+)
* Basler Now at Attractive Entry Point, Berenberg Upgrades to Buy
* Goldman Strategists See Case for European Dividend Strategies (+)
* Kion Guidance Removal No Surprise, But May Weigh on Stock: Citi
* M&S, Discounters Grow as U.K. Supermarket Sales Fall: Nielsen (+)
* Moneysupermarket Cut With More Upside Elsewhere: Barclays (+)
* Moonpig’s Recent Share Price Correction Is Overdone, Citi Says (+)
* Negative Real Rates Support Stock Valuations: Citi Strategists (+)
* Pirelli, Michelin Long-Term EV Winners, Shares Appear Oversold
* Truckmaker Estimates Cut at Jefferies, Traton Downgraded to Hold
* Vodafone Downgraded at Berenberg on M&A Risk, Consensus Concerns

(Makor) - Sanofi - Euroapi's Spin-Off

April 05, 2022

 

Makor - Sanofi - Euroapi's Spin-Off

 

SANOFI (SAN FP) 

Euroapi's Spin-Off 

 

1/ Conclusion 

 

Europa’s spin-off is almost irrelevant at the Sanofi’s level. 

 

Indeed, Euroapi’s value represents less than 1% of Sanofi’s enterprise value. 

 

There might be upside in Euroapi but the BpiFrance’s transaction will weight on Euroapi’s shares for a while. 

 

The BpiFrance stake‘s acquisition implied a 42% discount to SFZN EV/EBITDA 22E and an implied price per share for Euroapi of €13.3. 

 

The spin-off is being structured as a distribution in kind and will be taxable. 

 

The distribution ex-date is May 06th.

 

    ​    ​    ​

 

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>>> Stoxx 600 Pre-Market Indications

  • Raiffeisen (RAW TH) +1.3%
    • $100 Oil, Rates, Russia Key 2022 Deltas for EM Banks: Outlook
  • Nokian Renkaat (NRE TH) +1%
  • NN (2NN TH) +0.9%
    • NN Raised to Overweight at Morgan Stanley; PT 54.30 euros
  • Air Liquide (AIL TH) +0.8%
  • TotalEnergies (TOTB TH) +0.8%
  • Tomra (TMR TH) +0.7%
  • Henkel (HEN3 TH) +0.7%
  • Hermes (HMI TH) +0.7%
  • Vestas (VWSB TH) +0.6%
  • Lufthansa (LHA TH) -0.6%
  • Munich Re (MUV2 TH) -0.7%
    • Munich Re Cut to Equal-Weight at Morgan Stanley; PT 275 euros
  • Evotec SE (EVT TH) -0.7%
  • TUI (TUI1 TH) -0.8%
  • ASR Nederland (A16 TH) -1.1%

FT : Why Chinese driverless car company AutoX disengaged its safety features

Why Chinese driverless car company AutoX disengaged its safety features
Tech group conducted risky test drives in push for better data and investment, according to former staff

In January 2019, a green car made by Chinese company AutoX meandered a few miles through the roads of Las Vegas before arriving at a convention centre hosting the Consumer Electronics Show, an event attended by 175,000 people including blue-chip investors and the world’s media.

The ride was completed in “autonomous mode” with a human in the driver’s seat, though AutoX’s technology controlled the vehicle. The demonstration represented a landmark for the company’s founder Xiao Jianxiong, who brands himself as “Prof X” after the fictional leader of the X-Men in the Marvel Comic series. 

Those watching may have been unaware that Xiao had ordered that the AutoX car’s brakes, steering wheel, accelerator and red safety button to be disabled, according to people with knowledge of the incident. That decision meant the human driver would have been unable to instantly take control of the car in an emergency.

“The car was rigged so it would not disengage,” said one individual with direct knowledge of the event, whose account was confirmed by another former employee. “It was extremely dangerous, there were thousands of people on the streets that day for the conference. Thankfully nothing happened but someone could have been hurt.”

Xiao wanted to display how well his company stacked up against western rivals in a global race to build autonomous technology. The industry has attracted nearly $330bn investment since 2010, according to McKinsey, with the best-funded groups including Alphabet-owned Waymo, Aurora and General Motors’ Cruise.

Given the need for money to compete, AutoX received a welcome boost three months after the CES demo: a $100mn investment from a consortium that included the Chinese ecommerce group Alibaba and the state-owned carmaker Dongfeng. The following year, Xiao also won a previously undisclosed investment from SoftBank’s Vision Fund. SoftBank declined to comment. 

People with knowledge of the incident suggested AutoX considered the moment to be an important publicity stunt and wanted to ensure the demo ride for investors and the media was completed without human intervention. “It was all about the optics with Prof X,” said one former employee.

The episode was indicative of the company’s broader strategies, according to multiple former employees in the US and China, who spoke to the Financial Times on condition of anonymity. They said AutoX executives allowed the cars to operate in ways that put them closer to a potential collision in order to get vital data that would improve its technology. “They really pushed the envelope,” said one member of the operations team.

“Safety was not a top priority at AutoX,” said one person, pointing to how company bosses, including Xiao and Jewel Li, the chief operating officer, also pressured the operations team to test the cars on public roads even if a crucial safety feature had not been wired up or was not working.

They pointed to how AutoX drivers had often gone out on to roads in San Jose, where it is testing its driverless cars, even if the red safety button was not working. Four other team members with direct knowledge of the testing system spoke of the same problem.

AutoX did not respond to detailed questions for comment or make its executives available to discuss this article. But in February, Xiao told the FT in an unrelated interview that safety was his “highest priority”.

Scott Kennedy, an expert on China’s technology innovation at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the loosely regulated autonomous vehicles are a “wild west” of players “racing” to be first to market.

Other automotive groups have also been accused of presenting themselves in a flattering image to show off futuristic driverless systems. In December, the New York Times alleged that in 2016 Tesla released a falsified video that showed its partially autonomous technology was more advanced than its tests had proven. Tesla did not respond to a request for comment.

AutoX is much smaller than rivals such as Waymo and Cruise. The company boasts a fleet of 1,000 cars, most of these are in China. Only six of these were driving on the roads of California last year, according to the state’s Department of Motor Vehicle report.

Those six cars drove a total of just over 50,000 miles in 2021. By contrast, Cruise had 135 cars on the road which drove 876,104 miles and Waymo’s 569 cars drove 232,584 miles.


Other Chinese autonomous driving companies, including AutoX, Didi and Pony.ai have operations in California, a location that is considered the industry gold standard for testing and developing autonomous vehicle technology.

The Californian DMV “disengagement” report has emerged as an unofficial metric for investors to compare the various companies’ technology. “Companies show improvements in technology by demonstrating their cars have driven further in autonomous mode with fewer interventions,” said Kennedy.

In 2021, AutoX topped the charts for the number of miles driven without disengaging. But the company only self-reported one disengagement for the entire 12-month period, compared with 291 by Waymo and 21 by Cruise.


Xiao’s company was spawned in 2016 when he was a computer vision and robotics professor at Princeton University, turning AutoX from an operation founded in the garage in a San Jose residential house into an operation spanning multiple cities in China and the US.

In 2021, AutoX became the first company in China to be given approval to run its cars in fully autonomous mode without a safety driver — a coup for the start-up against rivals including Baidu’s Apollo and Didi which have the backing of the country’s deep-pocketed internet companies.

Xiao has said it is easier to launch self-driving cars in China than in the US because motorists in the country are “not very good drivers” as most “start when they are 35”. He argued that this meant there would be greater acceptance for the mass deployment of autonomous vehicles in the country. “For our self-driving cars, it’s easier to be orders of magnitude better than humans,” he said.

In the push to create workable technology and attract investment, former employees said AutoX put the public at risk. One person said that drivers, before sitting behind the wheel, would jokingly ask colleagues to “pray” for their safe return.

>>> TradeGate Pre-Market Indications

DAX:
  • Munich Re (MUV2 TH) -0.4%
    • Munich Re Cut to Equal-Weight at Morgan Stanley; PT 275 euros
  • Henkel (HEN3 TH) -1.9%
MDAX:
  • United Internet (UTDI TH) +1.1%
  • Talanx (TLX TH) +1%
  • Evotec SE (EVT TH) -0.7%
SDAX:
  • Grenke (GLJ TH) +5.8%
    • Grenke 1Q Leasing New Business Volume EU499.2M Vs. EU365.8M Y/y
  • About You (YOU TH) +2.5%
  • Aareal Bank (ARL TH) +2.2%
    • Advent, Centerbridge Said to Near Improved Aareal Bank Bid (3)
  • Nordex (NDX1 TH) +2.1%
  • 1&1 (DRI TH) +1.5%
  • Traton (8TRA TH) -0.3%
    • Truckmaker Estimates Cut at Jefferies, Traton Downgraded to Hold
  • SMA Solar (S92 TH) -0.3%

FT : Alexei Mordashov, oligarch scrambling to outpace sanctions

Alexei Mordashov, oligarch scrambling to outpace sanctions
Russian billionaire targeted by EU and UK has moved quickly to shift billions of dollars in assets

When Russia invaded Ukraine, Alexei Mordashov moved swiftly to transfer billions of dollars of stock holdings out of his name, while a $500mn superyacht linked to the oligarch sailed back to his home country.

Mordashov, who made his fortune in steel but has interests in sectors from coal and gold to travel and media, is one of Russia’s richest men. But after the EU and UK targeted him with sanctions, he faces a tussle to keep hold of some of his most prized assets.

Like many oligarchs, he is exposed by an international web of interests but shielded by use of opaque ownership structures and the patchwork of imperfect legislation that differs from one jurisdiction to the next.

“It’s becoming very clear there are gaps in the framework,” said Maira Martini, an expert on money flows at campaign group Transparency International. “It’s just a joke, the number of loopholes people can use to circumvent the rules.”

On February 28, four days after the invasion and the same day the EU imposed sanctions on him, Mordashov transferred his 29.9 per cent stake in German travel group Tui from his Cyprus-registered Unifirm to a British Virgin Islands entity controlled by Marina Mordashova, believed to be his third wife.

He also passed to her a controlling stake in Nordgold, his London-based mining company, two weeks before the UK targeted him with sanctions.

Then in mid-March, the $500mn yacht reportedly delivered to Mordashov last year, weighed anchor in the Seychelles. The last tracked position of Nord, a 142m vessel that sails under a Cayman Islands flag, is at the Russian port of Vladivostok.

Despite such moves, he is under pressure. His wealth — up to $28bn before the war, according to Bloomberg data — has dropped.

The German government has ruled the transfer of Tui stock “invalid” until an official investigation has concluded.

The Russian tycoon’s Severstal group risks a debt default after Citigroup froze interest payments pending regulatory probes, while foreign advisers and directors have resigned.

Italian authorities have seized his €105mn compound in Sardinia, as well as another yacht, the €65mn Lady M.

Mordashov made his fortune during the post-Soviet chaos of the 1990s by taking a controlling stake in Severstal, the steel factory established by Stalin in the gritty town of Cherepovets where his parents worked. He went on to build a group that acquired steel plants in the US and beyond — although Severstal sold its North American assets in 2014 — and diversified into coal, gold, turbines, retail, travel, media and telecoms.

From 2007 he started buying shares in Tui, joining the supervisory board and building a stake as high as 34 per cent last year during emergency fundraising.

People who have worked with Mordashov described him as shrewd, astute and a good spotter of business opportunities but not a person for small talk or flamboyance. He never spoke about politics, they said.

He created a joint venture with Tui in 2009 in Russia and Ukraine offering beach holidays in Egypt and Turkey. But he wanted to move faster than the others in the company considered comfortable. Tui completed its divestment in 2021.

Mordashov has an MBA and honorary doctorate from Northumbria University’s business school in Newcastle, where he has funded more than 200 Severstal managers’ degrees over a decade.

“The UK for him was more about services like education,” said Andrew Kakabadse, an emeritus professor at Cranfield School of Management, who received £1.7mn from Mordashov to research boardroom governance. “His business was much more in the US than Europe. At one time he was [Vladimir] Putin’s favourite not because of politics but because of his technical skills. He’s a very good manager. He kept his distance. He was invited to become a minister and refused.”

While avoiding any direct criticism of Putin, Mordashov in early March called for an end to the bloodshed in Ukraine and claimed to be distant from politics.

“I have absolutely nothing to do with the emergence of the current geopolitical tension and I do not understand why the EU has imposed sanctions on me,” he told the Tass news agency.

Nevertheless, he has long cultivated people close to Putin. He was an assistant at Leningrad Economic and Engineering University to Anatoly Chubais, the businessman and politician behind the “loans for shares” privatisations in the 1990s who recently quit as Russia’s climate envoy.

In 2003, Mordashov bought a stake in Rossiya Bank, which also counts as shareholders Putin proxy Yury Kovalchuk, Nikolay Shamalov, whose son Kirill was reportedly once married to one of the Russian president’s daughters, and oil company Surgutneftegaz.

Together with the bank and Surgutneftegaz, Mordashov set up Russia’s largest private media holding, National Media Group, with stakes in several newspapers and television channels, including the main state Channel One, which has fiercely defended Putin’s “special operation” in Ukraine.

When Rossiya Bank came under US sanctions in 2014 after Russia’s annexation of Crimea, it opened branches in the region and an account for Putin for his Kremlin salary. As last month’s EU sanctions order described, Mordashov’s Power Machines also sold four wind turbines to the peninsula.

In an interview with the Financial Times last year, Mordashov said it was “important to acknowledge that Mr Putin is our president and the leader of our nation, and he reflects pretty much what every average Russian has in mind”.

But as governments target Mordashov and other oligarchs with close ties to Putin, the issue of transferred assets promises to complicate their efforts.

“One of the biggest challenges is when people shift assets to trusted associates, family and people standing in their shoes,” said Tom Stocks, senior investigator with the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. “It’s quite hard to unpick.”