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WWD : What’s Really Going On With Sourcing Costs?

What’s Really Going On With Sourcing Costs?
When the cost of shipping a container goes from $2,100 to $23,000, there's a lot going on.
Fashion may be built around navigating rising sourcing costs, but the hikes over the last 18 months have been unheard of, even for those who have heard it all before. Costs have climbed more than tenfold in some cases.
There are hikes in fiber prices and increases in ocean freight, spikes in air freight, upticks in trucking costs with more fees for port congestion, demurrage and yard storage, and even increased spend for chassis because they’re being occupied for longer. Container costs are up, as is capacity in ocean freight, though it’s down in air, but planes are back in flight — though soaring to Miami or Mallorca doesn’t help with moving goods from Shanghai to Los Angeles. Add to that, demand is surging and little has changed when it comes to delivery delays since the onset of the pandemic.

The collective sentiment among those in the supply chain could perhaps be best summed up by Grandmaster Flash and The Furious Five, with their 1982 rap “The Message” when they said: “It’s like a jungle sometimes, it makes me wonder how I keep from going under.”
And the message, according to experts, is that though supply chain cost surges have moderated somewhat, there’s no expectation of a return to “normal.” Especially with Delta lurking.
First, the Fiber
Furthest upstream, cotton prices are climbing.
In July 2021, the Cotlook A Index (a representative reflection of offering prices on the raw cotton market) had the price of cotton at 97.70 cents per pound — nearly 43 percent above the index average. Early this month, the index crossed $1 per pound for the first time since mid-2018, according to Jon Devine, senior economist at Cotton Incorporated. For comparison, the price was 75.54 cents a pound pre-pandemic in July 2019.
When it comes to yarn, the average price in Cotlook’s yarn index was 150.54 in July 2021, compared to 122.75 in July 2019.
“Yarn prices have moved in step or even beyond the increases in fiber prices since the lows set last April,” Devine said.
And the uptrend in prices is expected to sustain, at least for now.
“Despite an outlook calling for strong economic growth for the remainder of 2021 and into 2022, the Delta variant has proven that COVID-19 remains a threat. It has already led to the shuttering of factories in several manufacturing countries,” Devine said. “If it continues to impede order completion, it could possibly weigh on fiber demand and cotton prices.”
The Situation at Sea
Talking ocean freight, a general rule might have assumed high rates meant low capacity, but on major trade lanes like the Trans-Pacific or the Far East Westbound to Europe, capacity is up over what it was in the last two years.
So, if capacity is up, why are rates up, too?
“One, it’s straight demand,” said Nathan Strang, senior trade lane manager of operations at freight forwarder Flexport. “More people are buying more things and we see that across the market. The other one is the delays. The delays are causing artificially low capacity.”
What that means is, actual capacity (how many ships are deployed, en route, in work) is up “something around 30 percent over 2019,” according to Strang. What he calls effective capacity is “far lower.”


“It’s probably 10 to 20 percent less than what we’re seeing and that’s only against like 5 percent more demand,” he said. The best way to explain it, he noted, is that because a routing from Shanghai to Los Angeles, let’s say, now takes 60 days compared to its previous 25, the doubled time makes several messes of things.
“If it’s taking twice as long to get there, that also creates kind of an artificial demand within the system in that it takes two vessels now to make up for one and that’s what you’re really seeing in the market,” Strang said.
That artificial demand is making for very real increases in pricing.
Comparing pre-COVID-19 to current rates for 40-foot containers, Flexport said the average rate from the Asia to the U.S. West Coast trade lane, for example, went from between $1,600 to $2,100 in July 2019 to between $21,000 to $23,000. That’s a staggering more than 1,200 percent increase. Where equipment and space add-ons ran between zero dollars to $500, now they’re between $3,000 and $13,000.
Looking at Asia to North Europe, the average rate in July 2019 was between $1,400 and $1,900. Last month, it was between $15,000 to $20,000 — a 971 percent increase on the highest end.
“You have ocean rates that are 10, 12 times what they were in 2019,” Flexport executive vice president and global head of airfreight Neel Jones Shah added. “You have shipping containers that used to cost $2,000 from let’s say Yantian, China to L.A. that are now $22,000 to $25,000. So, you’ve seen this exponential increase in rates on the ocean and at the same time, you’ve actually seen transit times expand dramatically.”
Productivity dips with outbreaks at ports and worker shortages are, of course, critical parts of the problem. But so is access to equipment. There are only so many ships (and making more takes two to three years), and there are only so many containers because with congestion, containers are spending roughly four to five more days out of commission than they were pre-pandemic, whether it’s because they’re holed up at a distribution center or in a warehouse or otherwise idling.
“What that’s doing to rates is that, as these timelines push out and people are looking further and further into the future and realizing that the things that they’re ordering are going to be delayed, it’s kind of gotten into a bidding war for equipment and that’s driving equipment prices up,” Strang said. “[Companies are] going to be willing to pay higher and higher prices to get their containers loaded until you get to a point where either you run out of time and you have to ship to air, or the price point has gotten to a situation where you’re like, ‘I’m just going to move to air’ — if capacity is even available.”


Airborne
The skies have never been particularly friendly to margins, but the once more luxe mode of getting goods from A to B has become commonplace to many — however costly.
And it’s costly.
At the outset of the pandemic, with grounded passenger flights (which typically carry around 50 percent of global cargo in the belly of the plane) and the rush to get PPE in at the time, the supply chain crush began its course.
“With the loss of all these passengers flying, all of a sudden so much capacity got taken out of the market — obviously that had a dramatic impact on both rates and transit times,” Shah said. “I mean, we saw rates go from $3.00 a kilogram, $3.50 a kilogram, let’s just say from Shanghai to L.A. as a representative lane, and it went to $15 per kilogram literally overnight.
More specifically, looking at average air freight rates for Asia to the U.S. West Coast, according to Flexport’s data, 2019 saw costs between $2.50 to $3.50 per kilogram and this year those costs are running between $7 to $10 per kilogram more than double.
For Asia to Europe, pre-COVID-19 rates hovered between the same $2.50 to $3.50 per kilogram for airfreight and the increase is slightly less than double at a current $4 to $6 a kilogram.
“Airports also became heavily congested, so it was sort of this domino effect where we broke all of the norms that the industry had experienced up until that point. In my career we’ve never seen anything like what we saw when COVID-19 hit,” he added. “Now let’s fast forward to today, not a lot has changed. This is sort of the longest running crisis we’ve had in the logistics industry and not much else has changed. Rates have moderated a bit, they’re not at $15, $16 per kilo, they’re closer to $10 per kilo today so they’ve moderated but they’re nowhere back to where we historically have been.”
And frankly, he said, they won’t be.
“Capacity is still down, let’s call it 10 to 15 percent and demand continues to surge,” Shah said. “U.S. consumers have saved over $3 trillion through the pandemic…and people want to spend….Our customers, for the most part, when we survey them have seen an absolute boom in demand and you see the inventory to sales ratio is the lowest it’s been in the history they’ve been measuring that.”


Many retailers, he said, are out of inventory and have been waiting for “this sort of COVID-19 pricing to break,” but the wait may be in vain.
“We’ve been in this situation now for 18 to 20 months and we haven’t seen the situation materially improve,” Shah said earlier this month. “Just in the past week, rates have gone up more than 10 percent. And I anticipate that over the coming weeks, as demand continues to increase because we’re heading into peak season and capacity gets reduced because carriers have canceled a lot of operations, you’re going to see rates continue to go up.”
For one, not much passenger capacity is expected to return, particularly in trade lanes like Asia to the U.S.
“Let’s be honest, I think a lot of maybe your readers, they see TSA numbers are up dramatically, airports are jam-packed and they’re, like, ‘Hey, wait a minute, what’s going on? Why aren’t air freight rates back to normal, the planes are back in the air?’ The planes are back in the air but they’re flying to Mt. Rushmore, they’re flying to Hawaii, they’re flying to Cancun, OK. They’re not going to Shanghai and Hong Kong and Hanoi and Saigon,” Shah said.
Air freight rates currently sit around $10 per kilo, as Shah noted, which he’s calling the “baseline” because “we’re going to be looking at rates in excess of that over the coming weeks and months, so shippers just need to be prepared for that.”
“I anticipate this current situation definitely bleeding over into the first half of 2022,” he said. “The second half is a little bit more interesting because, as the airlines contemplate their schedules for 2022, a lot of them are anticipating returning flights to Asia, but that also depends on quarantines coming down, restrictions being lifted, Asian countries moving more towards a ‘we have to live with COVID-19 strategy’ as opposed to a zero COVID-19 strategy.’”
From the ocean freight perspective, Strang is less optimistic.
“I don’t see rates coming down at least through Chinese New Year, so February of next year,” he said. “I don’t think that the rates are going to come down significantly for 2022 either though.”


Landlocked
While countries work out whether they can or should settle into some type of functioning alongside the virus, more problems are playing out once goods are in land’s reach of their destination — and these show no signs of abating soon, either.
With congestion at ports, it’s taking much longer to unload containers. One customer of freight forwarder Aqualine International Inc. waited a month while their container sat at the Long Beach port, until they handed over an extra $25,000 to terminate the container onsite, pay a trucker to pull it from the terminal, take it to a warehouse for transloading and then putting it into a different truck to get to the destination.
Port congestion is costly all around. Because some terminals have no space to take in extra containers, truckers are stuck holding them until they can get an appointment to return it to whatever alternate location. And because the empty sits on a chassis, that means the already hard-to-come-by equipment is further tied up.
“Before the trucker would pick up the container from the terminal, take it for delivery or they’d pick up the night before and take it for early-morning delivery and then return the empty directly to the terminal the same day. But now, with them having to hold the empty for return appointment, the additional chassis fee is being incurred,” a spokesperson for Aqualine said. “Usually [the process] is two to three days, now it’s like a week.”
That means fashion companies trying to bring goods in — on top of whatever standard costs — can be paying upward of $250 for demurrage fees if the trucker can’t get the goods in the agreed upon time, detention charges around $140 per container per day because the containers aren’t returned on time, plus empty return fees, yard storage fees if the trucker holds their goods for them (which can include pre-pull fees if it’s picked up early and a stopover fee for taking it to the yard), and, of course, a fee for the trucker’s time since waits to collect a single container can run as much as six hours, if not more.
What Becomes of the Broken Margins
Margins, needless to say, aren’t enjoying their finest moment.


Some companies, according to Shah, have foregone focusing on that vision of profit altogether.
“When I talk to some of our high-growth customers, the ones that have been around for a few years but have a really, really interesting line of products and they’re growing like crazy, what I hear from them is: ‘We made the decision to sacrifice margin in the fourth quarter, we’re OK not making money, we want to keep up with our growth trajectory, we want to hit our revenue targets,’” he said. “Shippers that are having to make those sort of tradeoffs.”
What the Sourcing Execs Are Saying
If you ask those further upstream, all of these rising prices are the least of fashion companies’ concerns.
Their primary focus should be on whether they can get their goods at all — and if they can do so without contributing to garment workers dying from the virus.
“It’s not as simple as the labor costs, the factory overhead, the logistics cost inbound and outbound or the material costs,” said Raymond Tan, chief executive officer of Luen Thai Holdings. The Hong Kong-based fashion and lifestyle apparel manufacturer, which has factories across Asia and has had to shutter them on and off amid the pandemic, has itself lost seven workers to the virus, despite its precautions. “Brands have to decide are they going to place the order with factories knowing that the workers will get infected? Now comes the compliance issue.”
Mounting costs and dwindling margins would pale in comparison.
“If I were the sourcing head now, I’m just going to look at which country has a good vaccination percentage and just go place the order there if you want the goods,” he said.
There are three types of current sourcing situations pertaining to COVID-19, according to Tan: those where the sourcing country is going for the zero-COVID-19 goal; those where the sourcing country has accepted coexistence with COVID-19, and those where they can’t afford lockdowns and they also can’t get COVID-19 under control. The third category, he said, which are largely the developing countries, is where the supply chain gets most impacted — and, often, where vaccines are least widespread.


That means on-and-off lockdowns and shutdowns because of the still-spreading virus, more at risk workers, more significant delays and more costly movement from one production facility to the next.
“Just imagine at this moment, Vietnam got locked down, goods start to move to let’s say Cambodia but Cambodia never really had this kind of outbound service because the Cambodian market was never really that big for sourcing in the past. So all of a sudden there’s huge demand for containers but there’s not that many containers in Cambodia. But then the worst thing is, when Cambodia got locked down, the orders were moved to Vietnam. That was April-May and then it got moved back. So all this movement requires logistics service,” Tan explained. “When you talk about the logistics costs, it’s not just about from the normal tier 2 to tier 1, because the material went from the fabric mill to the factory and then from the factory it went to another factory and another country because of the lockdown. And now the material’s gone from the second factory back to the first factory or to the third factory. So you could actually triple the original material logistics costs and time because of those changes.”
Among Luen Thai’s customers, Tan said outbound costs (the portion brands normally pay after buying FOB from a factory) have surged as much as 500 percent. And because of delays, some companies have spent upward of $80 million in air freight this year alone.
“This is a very, very messy situation,” Tan said, noting that it’s far from finished. “Delta is going to have a much, much bigger impact to the supply chain than a lot of people would imagine.”

FT : The rich get richer and rates get lower

The rich get richer and rates get lower
Maybe it’s not about demographics, after all

Is an excess of rich people, not of middle-aged people, what depresses interest rates?

My expectation that nothing of interest would happen at the Federal Reserve’s Jackson Hole conference turned out to be wrong. Fed chair Jay Powell’s speech was boring, sure, but three academics redeemed the proceedings by presenting a paper investors would do well to read. 

They argue that the primary force driving down interest rates is not demographic change, but income inequality. This is important for investors, because the demographic trend that has (in theory) put pressure on rates is set to reverse, while the trend towards greater income inequality looks like it’s locked in place. 

Atif Mian, Ludwig Straub and Amir Sufi agree with partisans of the demographic view, such as the economists Charles Goodhart and Manoj Pradhan (whose view I have spent fair amount of space on here), that a key contributor to falling rates is higher savings. Savings chase returns, so when there are more savings and the same number of places to put them, rates of return must fall. 

Mian, Straub and Sufi disagree, however, about why there are ever more savings sloshing around. It is not because the huge baby-boom generation is getting older and saving more (a trend that will change direction soon, when they are all retired). Rather, it’s because a larger and larger slice of national income is going to the top decile of earners. Because a person can only consume so much, the wealthy few tend to save much of this income rather than spend it. This pushes rates down directly, when those savings are invested, driving asset prices up and yields down; and indirectly, by sapping aggregate demand.

Why doesn’t all the cash that the rich push into markets get converted, ultimately, into productive investment, either at home or abroad? Tricky question. For present purposes it is enough to note that this is not happening — the savings of the American rich reappear, instead, as debt, owed by the government or by lower-income US households. (In another paper, MS&S have pointed out that this means the high share of income going to the rich hurts aggregate demand in two ways: the rich have a lower marginal propensity to consume, and governments and the non-rich are forced to shift dollars from consumption to debt service. Economically speaking, high inequality is a real buzzkill.)

MS&S prefer the inequality explanation for two reasons. Using data from the Fed’s Survey of Consumer Finances (which goes back to 1950) they show that differences in savings rates are much greater within any given age cohort than across age cohorts. That is, savings are building up faster because the rich are getting richer, not because the baby boomers are getting older. See these charts:

The Y axis in both charts shows savings as a proportion of income. The left-hand chart shows that the top 10 per cent of households save way more than anyone else, and well more (proportionally) than all people aged 45-54, the highest-saving age cohort, as seen on the right.

Another way to visualise the same point. Here is a heat map that matches savings rates (shown as colour) to income decile (Y-axis) on the one hand and age cohort (X-axis) on the other:

As you go left-to-right on that chart, moving across age cohorts, there is not a huge amount of change in colour. The dark red tones (that is, the high savings rates) are all crammed up at the top, with the richest people in each cohort.

This effect is dramatic, and is a really big change. In the past 20 years, the top decile has taken an extra third of national savings for itself, as compared to the pre-1980 period:

We estimate that between 3 and 3.5 percentage points more of national income were saved by the top 10 per cent from 1995 to 2019 compared to the period prior to the 1980s. This represents 30-40 per cent of total private saving in the US economy from 1995 to 2019.

The second reason for thinking that the rise in inequality is a better explanation for the rise in savings is that inequality has risen steadily over the period than rates have fallen — that is, since about 1980. The share of national income earned by the high-saving middle-aged, by contrast, has gone up and down as the baby boomers have aged and then started to retire. That is to say, inequality has a much tighter correlation to rates than demographics. In fact, MS&S argue that the SCF data show there is no correlation at all between overall savings rates and the share of income earned by the middle-aged. 

What would Goodhart and Pradhan say in response? I don’t presume to answer for them, but two things strike me. One is that MS&S focus just on US data, and G&P are emphatic that, because capital and productive capacity moves across borders, you have to look at the global picture. Japan, for example, has not experienced falling rates or rising inflation as it has aged. It was able to keep prices down by moving productive capacity to China. Second, G&P think savings is only part of the picture; the supply of workers is important too. 

I leave it to better economists to resolve the fight between the partisans of demographics and inequality, but I will say I find the MS&S view compelling. But who is more right is undoubtedly going to be important to investors, because the two sides disagree on the most likely path of rates from here on out.

A further note. I think if MS&S are right, the political implications are particularly nasty. Inequality, in their view, is self-perpetuating, with the feedback loop running through low rates. Excess savings of the rich depress rates; low rates push asset prices up; the rich get richer still. Many governments are engaging in monetary policies that, in all likelihood, make this flywheel turn faster. For how long are the people who sit outside this wealth machine — a majority of voters — going to tolerate this? This strikes me as even nastier than the intergenerational conflict you would expect if G&P are right (with the old fighting to keep the social safety net in place as working age people fight against ever-higher taxes).

Those of us who own a few assets, and have done so well as a result in recent decades, should give this some thought.

FT : Carbon offsets: a licence to pollute or a path to net-zero emissions?

Carbon offsets: a licence to pollute or a path to net-zero emissions?
A task force launched by Mark Carney is seeking to bring order to a market criticised for its quality and lack of regulation

Can planting trees in Guizhou province cancel out emissions from natural gas burned for energy in offices and homes across China? That’s the idea behind a deal struck in July by oil major Shell to supply PetroChina with an undisclosed quantity of liquefied natural gas branded “carbon neutral”.

The deal was part of a nascent but growing trend, in which fossil fuel shipments are paired with carbon offsets — units that organisations can buy to compensate for their emissions and help their carbon-intensive cargoes appear greener.

“With this deal, PetroChina will be able to provide carbon-neutral gas to Chinese businesses and households in line with China’s 2060 carbon-neutrality aspirations,” Shell explained: the trees would absorb millions of tonnes of carbon over the coming years, balancing out the pollution from the production and use of the fuel.

“This is the latest attempt to try to market fossil fuels of any type as part of the transition [to clean energy],” says Gilles Dufrasne, of the not-for-profit group Carbon Market Watch. “I don't think there is such a thing as a ‘carbon neutral’ fossil fuel, it’s a bit of an oxymoron.” 

Companies around the world have flocked to buy offsets from groups that plant and protect trees, install renewable energy, or do other activities that aim to clean up the atmosphere. The trade is simple: one offset equals one tonne of carbon saved or removed, which can be banked against a polluter’s own emissions.

British Airways, for example, says customers can “fly carbon neutral”. A passenger enters their flight details, the airline estimates how much carbon the trip will generate, and the customer neutralises the pollution by buying offsets from a seller that British Airways has a partnership with. London to Rome, one way, will cost about £1.06.

However, who is using offsets, and how many, is often unclear. There is no requirement for buyers to disclose this information. The system is voluntary and unregulated, unlike compliance markets such as the EU’s emissions trading system.

Concerns over the quality and integrity of offsetting schemes have plagued them since they were first introduced more than 20 years ago. Critics say they often do not capture as much carbon as they claim. Many view offsets as providing companies with a licence to pollute and say they represent a bad use of money that would be better spent on efforts to cut emissions.


The current offsets market “operates in the shadows”, with some good “but lots of bad” in the system, says former Bank of England governor Mark Carney, now UN special envoy on climate action and finance. “That does actual harm.”

With the pressure to prevent runaway climate change intensifying, Carney and Bill Winters, chief executive of Standard Chartered, launched a task force last year to address the problems with offsets once and for all.

The private sector initiative hopes to transform the offsets market from a fragmented and mistrusted system into something that traders at a bank would recognise. It aims to thrash out new rules for ensuring credits are of a high quality, and develop a “core reference contract” to make offsets “fungible” and relatable to those on a trading floor. All to be policed by a new governance body to add enforcement to the system.

Designing watertight rules is proving difficult, however, and disagreements among the more than 250 groups, from market infrastructure providers to academics, working on the project are common. Getting these groups, which have wildly divergent opinions, to agree on how to solve complex problems is not easy, says one person involved in the process. “Some people believe A and some people believe Z, so what do you do?”

One point of contention is how quickly to design and scale up any new, multibillion-dollar trading system. The task force hopes to have laid out the broad architecture by November’s international climate conference, COP26. But some are fearful that scaling up in a hurry could cause more harm than good.

“If we rush . . . trying to scale up something before it is fully operational, in the sense that we can ensure credit integrity, then I think it will be really bad” for the climate, says Juan Carlos Castilla-Rubio, chair of Space Time Ventures and a task force participant.

The fundamental questions about what makes for a “good” offset should be carefully answered “before we actually attempt to scale up and treat [offsets] like a standard commodity,” he says. These are questions that “people have spent many years . . . trying to sort out.”

Low prices, low quality
Between 2017 and 2019, more than $750m worth of offsets were traded globally, according to Ecosystem Marketplace, which tracks the market. Unnamed financial institutions were the largest users of offsets in 2019, followed by the chemicals and petrochemicals industries, according to the Trove Research group.

Offsets are supposed to represent climate benefits — carbon that has been avoided or removed from the environment — that would not have occurred if the project generating them did not exist. In theory, the trade works for everyone: buyers can claim lower emissions, and the environmental schemes they buy from get money they would not otherwise receive. Carbon financing can help steer money into new technologies, such as those that remove carbon from the air. It can also prevent damage, such as deforestation, by supplanting an environmentally harmful revenue stream, such as logging tropical rainforests.

“Carbon offsets are an important tool . . . to help the world get to net zero,” said Bernard Looney, chief executive of BP, the oil group, speaking at a Bloomberg conference in July. “We need a proper, effective market . . . and we must make sure that quality is at the core of that.”

Some companies, including Shell, have invested in the development of offset-generating projects. Last year, BP acquired a majority stake in a prominent offset developer, Finite Carbon.

However, the price of the credits has remained stubbornly low, with many available to buy for less than $5. Low prices are partly the result of a glut of offsets that were generated years ago — when standards were even less robust than today — that no one bought. But even offsets from more recent projects tend to be much cheaper than the cost of carbon in regulated systems such as the EU’s ETS, which saw prices rise above €50 per tonne this year.

The cheap availability of offsets is unlikely to persuade companies to make significant emissions cuts, critics say. The “danger” is that even talking about offsetting “has a tendency to take away some of the energy from the carbon-cutting side of the equation”, says Mike Berners-Lee, a university professor and carbon emissions consultant.

The influential Science Based Targets initiative has barred offsets from counting toward corporate net-zero targets, which it says organisations must achieve by cutting emissions.

The Carney task force has emphasised that offsets should only be used to compensate for the residual emissions that organisations cannot eliminate, and not replace decarbonisation efforts. Yet, how to police this is unclear: Winters says that deciding who can buy on the new market is “not the mandate of the task force”.

‘Guilty until proven innocent’
Stories of offsetting projects gone wrong, or credits being generated for schemes that do little to tackle climate change, are common. A fundamental tenet of offsetting is that the projects deliver permanent benefits. But this summer, offset-generating trees went up in flames as wildfires ripped across the US west coast, spewing carbon that had been stored in the trees back into the air.

Some of the most abundant offsets are from renewable energy projects developed by well-funded power groups, schemes that critics argue would have been viable in the absence of an offsets market, and should therefore not be counted as “additional”. In December, Bloomberg reported on a number of credits being sold in the US purporting to protect forests that were in no danger of being chopped down.

The task force envisions a system in which offsets conform to a consistent high level of quality, where key requirements, such as additionality and permanence, are assured. The system, it says, will be policed by a new, independent governance body — with the power to define which offsets meet the new threshold for high quality.

Such an oversight body has been sorely lacking, say researchers. Although numerous not-for-profit groups already exist which check and approve offsetting projects, such as Verra and Gold Standard, no third party monitors them. These certification bodies are predominantly funded by the fees they charge for projects to register and generate offsets.

The current lack of trust in the market has driven companies including Microsoft to pay people to find them credible offsetting projects, rather than rely on a stamp of approval from bodies such as Verra.

“There’s a lot of rubbish out there,” says Berners-Lee. A member of his team spent several weeks trawling through hundreds of pages of documents scrutinising the details of 65 certified projects for beer company BrewDog, and only found five “that were good”. Part of the problem is that “for a long time nobody was asking hard enough questions”, he adds. 

Checking that offsetting projects genuinely deliver the benefits they claim is difficult and laborious work. The range of projects is vast, and each has its own unique context and risks.

Verra, Gold Standard and other certification bodies have developed unique methodologies for assessing projects — complicated rules that are difficult for anyone not familiar with the market to understand. Yet, in the two decades that these groups have been operating, they have been unable to dispel concerns about quality — fears that the certification bodies consider have been overblown.

“We do not see evidence that [these groups] do a sufficient job themselves in assessing the quality of their own protocols” wrote Barbara Haya, director of the Berkeley Carbon Trading Project, to Sonja Gibbs, head of sustainable finance at the Institute of International Finance, which sponsors the Carney-Winters task force. A system that relies on competing groups evaluating their own rules is unlikely to produce a market of high quality credits, she added.


In response to the task force’s recent public consultation, Haya said the new governance body “should deem offsets guilty until proven innocent”.

The idea of a governance body has been broadly welcomed. David Antonioli, chief executive of Verra, says an independent arbiter would help standardise quality and generate trust. “It would be beneficial to have an entity that essentially looks under the hood and checks that we do what we say we do.”

In July, Winters said the governance body would be comprised of both independent members and market participants, something green groups have advocated against. “The task force leaves most key issues to a future governance body, and allows active market players to participate in that body,” says Carbon Market Watch’s Dufrasne. “This creates a clear and highly problematic conflict of interests.”

‘From amateur to professional’
The task force hopes to present the bones of the new system before the end of this year, reforms that should upgrade the market from an “amateur to a professional” level, says Carney.

One person involved says the process has been like “herding cats”, despite a consensus among the participants that “the current system generates no trust”. Many are concerned that the work is being rushed, and that some of the thorny questions being asked — such as how to ensure that the carbon benefits are truly permanent — remain unresolved after years of debate.

Growing trees absorb carbon, but is it possible to guarantee that they will remain standing indefinitely? And how to be sure that preventing deforestation in one region does not push it to an adjacent area? “There’s no chance that these questions will all be sufficiently answered” by the end of the year, says Jonathan Goldberg, chief executive of Carbon Direct, the advisory group.

Carney’s initiative wants to standardise contracts for offsets, making them easily tradeable on a market like any other. But valuing the relative benefits of projects that do very different things — trees do not store carbon forever, while a technical solution might, for example — is extremely complex, says Goldberg.

Some existing market players have hit back, contesting Winters’ assertion that the market is plagued by a “surplus” of bad offsets. “What we have today is already pretty robust . . . We don’t think at all that the current system is broken,” says Renat Heuberger, chief executive of South Pole, which helps develop offsetting projects.

The group’s senior climate policy and carbon pricing expert, Maria Carvalho, says it is “not claiming that the market is perfect and has no problems,” but “[we cannot] let the perfect be the enemy of the good”.

Danny Cullenward, policy director at Carbon Plan, a non-profit organisation, stresses the importance of establishing “a culture that allows you to recognise failures”. But, he adds: “You will not find anyone working with the [certification bodies] who acknowledges the presence of bad offsets.”

There are also conflicting views about the consequences of creating a multibillion-dollar carbon offsets market. The stakes are high: done right, it could inject huge sums into underfunded climate solutions; done wrong, the number of poor quality offsets — failing to deliver on carbon savings promises — could proliferate. 

Rushing to scale up the market could be “very dangerous”, says Goldberg. Offsetting is “not a donation, it is an exchange of money to emit a tonne of carbon . . . If you are not delivering a tonne of carbon removal, it’s a very bad deal for the climate.”

Carney rejects the idea that the task force could do more harm than good. The market “has to demonstrably reduce carbon, save carbon”, and if it doesn’t, it will simply not take off, he says. “The consequence of that is that we will all be in a worse position.”

>>> Europe : Brokers Upgrades & Downgrades - 31st August 2021

>>> Up
* Infineon Raised to Buy at Stifel; PT 43 euros
* InterContinental Hotels ADRs Raised to Buy at SocGen
* InterContinental Hotels Raised to Buy at SocGen; PT 5,710 pence
* Philips Raised to Buy at ING; PT 45 euros
* ProSieben Raised to Outperform at Oddo BHF; PT 22 euros
* Weir Raised to Buy at Peel Hunt; PT 2,250 pence

>>> Down
* Cerved Cut to Hold at Berenberg
* Safran Cut to Underweight at Morgan Stanley; PT 100 euros

>>> Initiation
* Bridgepoint Group Rated New Equal-Weight at Morgan Stanley
* Bridgepoint Group Rated New Overweight at JPMorgan; PT 600 pence
* Bridgepoint Group Rated New Neutral at Citi; PT 513 pence
* Crayon Rated New Buy at Berenberg; PT 215 kroner
* Dianomi Rated New Buy at Liberum; PT 410 pence
* Musti Group Rated New Buy at SEB Equities; PT 41 euros
* Reach Rated New Buy at Liberum; PT 475 pence
* Unicaja Rated New Overweight at Barclays; PT 1 euro

>>> Call
* InterContinental Raised at SocGen on Improving Demand Trends
* Safran Expectations Need to Be Reset, Morgan Stanley Downgrades
* Weir a Market-Leading Asset at a Low Price, Peel Hunt Upgrades