The Information : The UFC Alone Isn’t Enough Streaming Punch for David Ellison’s

The UFC Alone Isn’t Enough Streaming Punch for David Ellison’s Paramount
The media company’s $7.7 billion rights deal was a bold statement, but not enough to put Paramount in the streaming big leagues.

It didn’t take long for David Ellison, the fresh-faced millennial owner and CEO of Paramount Skydance, to make a statement. Just five days after the merger between Paramount and Skydance closed, the scion of Oracle’s Larry Ellison reached into his deep pockets to acquire seven years of broadcast rights to UFC mixed-martial arts matches for $7.7 billion.

With a single pen stroke, the sports rights deal accomplished two significant feats for Ellison and the new Paramount. First, it demonstrated his willingness to spend lavishly after years of tightfistedness at Paramount. And second, it signaled that the media company is determined to become a major player in streaming and to use live sports rights to do so. It was a striking turnabout in sports after Paramount sat out negotiations for NBA rights and generally fell behind the rest of its competitors.

Still, it’s not a knockout punch for Paramount. The Paramount Ellison has acquired has a litany of issues to address: Its Paramount+ streaming service isn’t cash flow positive, and with 77 million subscribers, it has nowhere near the scale of Netflix (301 million) or Disney (156 million). No single sports deal could catapult Paramount+ into that tier of reach.

Which is why savvy media watchers believe Ellison may need to play another card if he wants to really get into the big leagues of streaming. Could Paramount+ form a distribution bundle with Comcast’s Peacock (41 million subscribers)? Bundling is a tool Disney and Warner Bros. Discovery have used effectively to boost the growth of their streaming apps.

Or perhaps Ellison could go in a different direction and make a play for TikTok, the short-video app that is under pressure to sell to U.S. investors, one former executive at Paramount, who spoke to me on the condition of anonymity, speculated. (Ellison had better hurry: A group of investors appears to have a deal in place to buy TikTok, though it still needs approval from China, where TikTok’s parent company, ByteDance, is based, we reported earlier this week. Oracle is among those potential investors.)

“If you think about it, he doesn’t need another dollar, right?” the former executive said. “This is not necessarily about payouts or income, it’s about success—however he defines it.”

This person also told me they think Ellison overpaid for the UFC rights. “For UFC, it’s big money, big reach, and no more pay-per-view—it’s an A-plus deal. For Paramount? Grade TBD.”

Live sports accounted for 87 of the top 100 broadcasts last year—down from 96 in 2023, a nonelection year. Apple, Amazon and Netflix are each taking on live sports rights of their own, a sign that even deep-pocketed tech behemoths can’t resist the consistent, highly engaged audiences that flock to big games. Traditional media organizations like Paramount have to keep up or get left behind.

And until this week, Paramount was about to get lapped. Among the major media conglomerates, Paramount has one of the slimmer portfolios of marquee live sports rights: the Sunday afternoon NFL slate, Champions League soccer and Big Ten football are its primary seasonal events. While those are popular assets, the lineup can’t compete with the breadth of Disney’s ESPN (NFL, NBA, MLB, NHL) or Comcast’s NBC Sports (NFL, NBA, the Premier League, and the Olympic Games, as well as annual Olympic sport events).

What’s more, Paramount’s sports crown jewel—its NFL rights—isn’t even a lock. The league has two potential opt-outs in its contract: one for the change in ownership at Paramount, and another with its entire slate of media partners after the 2029–30 season. Ratings agency S&P Global expects the league to use leverage on the latter front to renegotiate terms with those partners, taking into account trends across streaming, cable and linear viewership.

When asked about the league’s opt-out clause with Paramount in July, NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell was noncommittal. “I think we’ll wait and we’ll see when the transaction is done, and we will get together with them and see how they’re approaching the NFL and how they are approaching their business,” he told CNBC’s Julia Boorstin at the time.

As such, Ellison had little choice but to signal loudly and clearly from the jump that Paramount Skydance would be aggressive on sports rights. UFC’s existing contract with ESPN expires this year, and it was in concurrent talks with potential new partners at the same time Skydance was closing its acquisition of Paramount. Dana White, UFC’s colorful CEO, told The Wall Street Journal this week that the MMA league initially planned to divvy up rights among several media partners à la the NFL and NBA, but “last minute, [Paramount] came in and said, ‘You know what? We don’t want to share. We want it all.’”

The result has benefits for both: The UFC rights give Paramount a year-round sport to fill in an otherwise patchwork athletic calendar. (The NFL season lasts from September to February, while other CBS assets like March Madness and the Masters golf tournament are major ratings magnets but limited engagements.) And UFC fans need only subscribe to Paramount+ and a free-to-air antenna (for the matches on CBS) to watch all the action. That would be a dream for fans of the NFL, MLB and NBA, who today might be coughing up hundreds of dollars a year for three or more services.

For Paramount, the $7.7 billion all-in contract with UFC might make more strategic than financial sense: It casts Ellison in the light of a swashbuckling dealmaker. And it puts him in the good graces of some politically advantageous contacts: for example, UFC impresario White, a close associate of Donald Trump. Viewed through one lens, maybe Ellison paid $350 million per year too much for UFC. Viewed through another, he’s potentially easing regulatory approval for a theoretical TikTok acquisition or whatever other M&A he chooses to do.

For Ellison, surrounding himself with savvy (and sport-connected) dealmakers is already an element of the Paramount Skydance secret sauce. Ellison’s partner and major shareholder is private equity group RedBird Capital Partners, whose existing sports holdings include AC Milan as well as stakes in the Boston Red Sox and Liverpool FC. Gerry Cardinale, RedBird’s founder, cut his teeth at Goldman Sachs establishing the New York Yankees’ regional sports network, YES. And RedBird is an existing deal partner of Hollywood power agent Ari Emanuel, CEO of UFC’s parent company, TKO.

What a change in tone at Paramount. Under previous ownership, then-CEO Bob Bakish told investors in late 2023 that Paramount wouldn’t bid for rights to NBA games, which eventually fetched a record 11-year $76 billion trio of contracts that begin this fall. With Ellison at the helm now, I don’t see Paramount Skydance sitting on the sidelines of sport—or dealmaking—any longer.

Challenges : Paris FC et US Créteil : la famille Arnault et Xavier Niel investis

Paris FC et US Créteil : la famille Arnault et Xavier Niel investissent les terrains de foot
500 fortunes. La famille Arnault a racheté le Paris Football Club. Le gendre, Xavier Niel, lui, a mis la main sur l’US Créteil. L’occasion de briller dans un milieu populaire.

On le connaissait taquin en faux président de la Ré­pu­­blique dans des pubs pour Free, showman à l’Olympia pour raconter ses succès professionnels, mais on n’avait pas encore vu sa casquette de propriétaire de club de football. C’est fait depuis fin juin, Xavier Niel est bien le nouveau propriétaire surprise de l’US Créteil-Lusitanos, qui évolue en National 2. « C’est ma manière de rendre à cette ville un peu de ce qu’elle m’a donné », affirme l’homme d’affaires. S’il a été cristolien jusqu’à ses 20 ans, des habitués du stade Charléty (XIIIe arrondissement de Paris) l’ont pourtant aperçu avec ses enfants la saison dernière dans les tribunes du Paris FC.

Logique pour celui qui partage sa vie avec Delphine Arnault, dont la famille est désormais propriétaire du club. « Ce rachat est-il le résultat d’une influence familiale, s’interroge un observateur du secteur. Ou est-ce que le football attire à nouveau des industriels français puissants ? »

Des billets offerts aux associations
D’autant que de l’autre côté du périphérique, les choses avancent vite. Le Paris FC, promu en Ligue 1 pour la saison qui commence mi-août, fait feu de tout bois : il installe une pelouse hybride – gazon et synthétique – à Jean-Bouin (XVIe arrondissement) qu’il partagera avec l’équipe de rugby du Stade Français, et constitue un groupe de joueurs compétitif pour la première division, tout en essayant d’attirer des entreprises dans ses loges VIP.

Les actionnaires visent 7 000 abonnés sur les 20 000 places de l’enceinte. Alors qu’en Ligue 2 les places étaient gratuites, 10 à 15 % des billets seront offerts la saison prochaine à des associations et des clubs de football partenaires à chaque rencontre. Et si la tarification des matchs se veut accessible, avec des niveaux de prix proches de ceux du RC Lens, les loges seront haut de gamme. « Nous demanderons aux plus aisés de contribuer plus afin de permettre au club d’avoir une offre populaire », explique une source interne.

Xavier Niel pourrait se lancer en politique
Une déclinaison sportive du ruis­sellement, version LVMH (actionnaire de Challenges). Reste que le Paris FC n’est pas prêt à tout pour réaliser un coup. Si l’AS Monaco a engagé fin juin le milieu international Paul Pogba, les nouveaux actionnaires du club parisien ont regardé le dossier sans lui proposer de contrat. Ses affaires d’extorsion d’argent, impliquant son propre frère, ainsi que sa suspension de dix-huit mois pour dopage ont refroidi les Arnault, qui gèrent d’autres icônes dans le luxe.

Par ailleurs, les liens entre les deux clubs de la famille ne sont pas légion. Pas question pour l’instant de prêter des jeunes joueurs du Paris FC à Créteil pour qu’ils s’aguerrissent dans les divisions inférieures. « Le rachat du Paris FC est une opportunité de marché, note Jean-Baptiste Guégan, spécialiste en géopolitique du sport. Pour Créteil, le positionnement de Xavier Niel est plus sociétal. »

On suspecte le patron de Free de vouloir un jour se lancer en politique. En marchant peut-être dans les pas de Bernard Tapie, qui a gagné la Coupe d’Europe avec l’OM. S’il n’a pas remporté la présidentielle, il a sa statue devant le Vélodrome.

TechCrunch : ChatGPT’s mobile app has generated $2B to date, earns $2.91 per ins

ChatGPT’s mobile app has generated $2B to date, earns $2.91 per install

ChatGPT’s mobile app is raking in the revenue.

Since launching in May 2023, ChatGPT’s app for iOS and Android devices has reached $2 billion in global consumer spending, according to a new analysis by app intelligence provider Appfigures. That figure is approximately 30x the combined lifetime spending of ChatGPT’s rivals on mobile, including Claude, Copilot, and Grok, the analysis indicates.

So far this year, ChatGPT’s mobile app has made $1.35 billion, up 673% year-over-year from the $174 million it made during the same period (January-July) in 2024, per the data. On average, the app is generating close to $193 million per month, up from $25 million last year.

That’s significantly higher — or about 53x higher — than ChatGPT’s next nearest competitor, Grok, which made approximately $25.6 million this year to date. Grok’s average monthly consumer spending is estimated at $3.6 million, or 1.9% of ChatGPT’s.

This data suggests that other consumer chatbots still have a way to go to catch up with ChatGPT’s dominance on mobile devices, even if the numbers don’t provide a complete picture of the AI companies’ overall revenue. Consumers, teams, and businesses can also subscribe to AI plans on the web, and the companies generate revenue in other ways, too, like via their APIs.

Rather, this new data offers a window into the apps’ traction with consumers, who discover and pay for these AI assistants via the mobile app stores.

It’s also worth noting that when xAI’s Grok launched in November 2023 (after ChatGPT), Grok didn’t initially have stand-alone iOS or Android apps. Instead, users interacted with the AI chatbot through the X platform. Grok only became available on mobile devices through its own iOS app as of early January 2025 and has been on Google Play since March 4.


Still, ChatGPT’s lifetime global spending per download is $2.91, compared to Claude’s $2.55, Grok’s $0.75, and Copilot’s $0.28, Appfigures found.

In the U.S., ChatGPT’s spending per download to date is even higher, at $10, leading the market to account for 38% of the app’s revenue to date. Germany is the second-largest market, accounting for 5.3% of ChatGPT’s lifetime total spending.

ChatGPT’s lead can also be seen in terms of downloads. To date, the app has been installed an estimated 690 million times globally, compared with Grok’s 39.5 million. (That puts X owner Elon Musk’s recent complaints about the App Store’s alleged favoritism of ChatGPT in its Top Charts into better context.)

Average monthly downloads of ChatGPT globally are now at approximately 45 million, up 180% from about 16 million in January through July of 2024.

In 2025 so far, ChatGPT’s app has been downloaded 318 million times, or 2.8x more than the 113 million it saw during the same period last year. By the number of installs, however, India is the top market, accounting for 13.7% of lifetime downloads, compared with second place, the U.S., which accounted for 10.3% of all downloads.

NYT : Big Tech’s A.I. Data Centers Are Driving Up Electricity Bills for Everyone

Big Tech’s A.I. Data Centers Are Driving Up Electricity Bills for Everyone
Electricity rates for individuals and small businesses could rise sharply as Amazon, Google, Microsoft and other technology companies build data centers and expand into the energy business.

The annual meeting of state utility regulators is typically a humdrum affair of dry speeches and panel discussions. But in November, the scene at the Marriott in Anaheim, Calif., had a bit more flash.

The conference’s top sponsors included the nation’s biggest tech companies — Amazon, Microsoft and Google. Their executives sat on panels, and the companies’ branding was plastered on product booths and at networking events. Even the lanyards around attendees’ necks were stamped with Google’s colorful logo.

Just a few years ago, tech companies were minor players in energy, making investments in solar and wind farms to rein in their growing carbon footprints and placate customers concerned about climate change. But now, they are changing the face of the U.S. power industry and blurring the line between energy consumer and energy producer. They have morphed into some of energy’s most dominant players.

They have set up subsidiaries that invest in power generation and sell electricity. Much of the energy they produce is bought by utilities and then delivered to homes and businesses, including the tech companies themselves. Their operations and investments dwarf those of many traditional utilities.

But the tech industry’s all-out artificial intelligence push is fueling soaring demand for electricity to run data centers that dot the landscape in Virginia, Ohio and other states. Large, rectangular buildings packed with servers consumed more than 4 percent of the nation’s electricity in 2023, and government analysts estimate that will increase to as much as 12 percent in just three years. That’s partly because computers training and running A.I. systems consume far more energy than machines that stream Netflix or TikTok.

Electricity is essential to their success. Andy Jassy, Amazon’s chief executive, recently told investors that the company could have had higher sales if it had more data centers. “The single biggest constraint,” he said, “is power.”

The rush to build power plants and transmission lines comes as big tech companies are richer than ever because of their pivot to A.I.; after announcing blowout financial results in late July, Microsoft became the second public company to surpass $4 trillion in value.

Even as some corporate customers have been underwhelmed by A.I.’s usefulness so far, tech companies plan to invest hundreds of billions of dollars on it.

At the same time, the boom threatens to drive up power bills for residents and small businesses. Nationally, the average electricity rate for residents has risen more than 30 percent since 2020, after years of relatively modest increases. Much of that increase has been driven by utilities’ catching up on deferred maintenance and hardening grids for extreme weather.

In the coming years, A.I. could turbocharge those increases.

It is difficult to predict what that will mean for consumers’ power bills. But recent reports expect data centers will require expensive upgrades to the electric grid, a cost that will be shared with residents and smaller businesses through higher rates unless state regulators and lawmakers force tech companies to cover those expenses.

A June analysis, from Carnegie Mellon University and North Carolina State University, found that electricity bills are on track to rise an average of 8 percent nationwide by 2030 and as much as 25 percent in places like Virginia because of data centers.

In some places, it is happening already. Starting in June, the electricity bill for a typical household in Ohio increased at least $15 a month because of data centers, according to data from a major local utility and an independent monitor of the electric grid that stretches across 13 states and the District of Columbia.

Tech companies insist they are not trying to fob energy costs onto residents and small businesses, saying they are willing to pay for the power they use and for much of the equipment needed to make it available.

“We don’t want to see other customers bearing the cost of us trying to grow,” said Bobby Hollis, who leads Microsoft’s energy procurement.

But even with their expressed good will, getting the companies to make consumers whole will not be easy because determining how much large users like data centers should pay is not straightforward.

The business of keeping America’s lights on is mostly about two things: supplying reliable electricity and figuring out what to charge to deliver it. In recent years, big tech companies have inserted themselves into debates over both. They lobby lawmakers and regulators, and they are pitching their own pricing schemes to challenge those of utilities — something that would have been unthinkable a few years ago.

That has led to growing tensions.

The utilities pay for grid projects over decades, typically by raising prices for everyone connected to the grid. But suddenly, technology companies want to build so many data centers that utilities are being asked to spend a lot more money a lot faster. Lawmakers, regulators and consumer groups fear that households and smaller companies could be stuck footing these mounting bills.

For utilities, working with technology companies can be difficult but also lucrative.

States allow utilities to charge customers enough to recoup their costs and make money for shareholders based on how much they invest. New data centers require utilities to spend billions of dollars on power lines and plants, which should lead to bigger profits for the utilities over time.

“My No. 1 priority in all of this is to keep the lights on,” said Calvin Butler, the chief executive of Exelon, a large utility company, and the chairman of Edison Electric Institute, an industry association. “I think the tech companies’ being engaged in our industry makes this a very exciting time. Just pay your fair share of the grid.”

Ultimately, the technology companies may have an upper hand. In many states bursting with data centers, utilities cannot own power plants because of policies intended to encourage competition. But the tech giants do not have the same restrictions, and many have invested in power plants and secured control of electricity produced by others, making them both big users and suppliers of power.

The tech companies use the electricity produced at these facilities to help power their data centers or sell it to retail utilities on the wholesale market — a small but growing source of revenue. Over the past five years, electricity sales from tech companies’ energy subsidiaries totaled $2.2 billion, with much of that generated since 2022.

“Unless people lean on the public utilities commissions, the ratepayers will take it on the chin,” said Mark Cooper, an economic analyst at the Institute for Energy and the Environment at the Vermont Law and Graduate School.

‘Extremely New Territory’
In the debate over who will foot the bill, the industry’s eyes have been fixed on Ohio.

On a snowy day in December, a first-of-its-kind showdown played out in a small hearing room in Columbus. Lawyers for Amazon, Google, Microsoft and other technology companies faced off against representatives of an electric utility.

The tech companies had plans for dozens of new data centers, so much that the local utility, American Electric Power, projected it would need six times the electricity central Ohio produced.

The utility had spent months meeting with the state’s consumer representative, tech companies and related industries, and the staff of the regulator, the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio, to hammer out a deal.

But in October, before the negotiations were done, the tech companies gave the utility a few days’ notice that they were submitting their own proposal. Industry experts said they had never seen that kind of front-running before. Under the companies’ plan, they would pay less upfront than the utility had wanted.

Days later, the Ohio utility, the consumer representative and the regulator’s staff countered with a plan that would create a class of customer for data centers and would require them to pay more. This category would be in addition to the four main types of electricity customers — homes, businesses, factories and public rail systems — that pay different rates in Ohio and other states.

The hearing in Columbus, before an administrative law judge, was about power in the literal sense — the electrons that keep the lights on and fuel modern technology — and power in the political sense.

American Electric Power, which has 5.6 million customers in 11 states, warned the judge that if the state did not adopt its proposal, residents and smaller businesses would bear much of the costs for tech companies’ power demands.

Despite tech companies’ professed desire not to burden others, they often push regulators to impose some of the upgrade costs on everybody. They contend that data centers bring jobs to the area, and that grid upgrades will ultimately help local businesses and residents.

At one point, a lawyer representing Amazon sought to get an executive from the Ohio utility to admit that he had once welcomed data centers to the state.

“You said something to the effect of ‘Data centers are great for the economy,’” David Proaño, a partner at the law firm BakerHostetler, prodded. “Do you remember saying something like that?”

The executive, Kamran Ali, deadpanned that he had “said a lot of things.” Mr. Ali testified that he worried about how the voracious power demands would tax the electric grid and hurt other consumers.

Scores of residential and business customers raised similar concerns in comments to Ohio regulators.

“To even consider foisting more fees on Ohio’s private citizens is a travesty,” Benjamin Yoder, who lives in Blacklick, east of Columbus, wrote in a comment for a public hearing in January.

An anonymous customer from Upper Sandusky wrote: “Our wallets cannot be strained anymore. Make them pay their own bills like we do!”

The utility in Ohio has already committed to supplying electricity for 30 data centers in the region by 2030, reaching power consumption levels in the Columbus area as high as Manhattan’s. But the tech industry is making additional requests to power 90 more data centers, which could make consumption comparable to the entire state of New York during a peak summer day.

“We’re used to a couple megawatts added to our system,” Marc Reitter, president and chief operating officer at the utility, said in an interview. “Massive amounts of power is extremely new territory.”

The utility’s proposal for a new category of customer will require data centers to make years of payments for the energy they need — something other customers are not required to do.

It wanted data centers and cryptocurrency miners to pay at least 85 percent of the electricity they request, even if they did not use it.

But Amazon, Google, Meta, Microsoft and other tech companies said they should pay less than what the utility wanted. The settlement the companies filed had committed to 75 percent of the electricity they requested, depending on the length of the contract. That would leave other utility customers to shoulder more of the cost of new grid equipment.

In addition, the tech industry wanted all large customers, including factories, to be treated the same. And it proposed a higher threshold for determining if data centers should be considered large users than in the utility-led proposal.

Kevin Miller, who was until recently a vice president at Amazon, said the Ohio utility’s plan could result in tech companies’ overpaying because data centers ramp up operations in phases. And data centers could be required to pay for power even if the utility failed to deliver all the energy it had committed to supplying, he said.

“We just don’t think that it has the right kind of flexibility to really match the profile over time that the data center brings,” Mr. Miller said in an interview before he left Amazon in July.

Last month, after spending months weighing the proposals, the commission ruled 5 to 0 against the tech companies.

“Today’s order represents a well-balanced package that safeguards non-data-center customers,” Jenifer French, the chair of the commission, said in a statement after the ruling.

Last Friday, the tech companies asked the commission to reconsider the case, calling the ruling “unlawful and unreasonable.”

Another Risk: Growth Could Falter
The Ohio ruling hinged on a big concern for utilities and lawmakers: that the tech companies may be asking for a lot more power than they will ultimately use. The worry is that executives could overestimate demand for A.I. or underestimate the energy efficiency of future computer chips. Residents and smaller businesses would then be stuck covering much of the cost because utilities largely recoup the cost of improvements over time as customers use power rather than through upfront payments.

These are not idle fears. Tech companies have announced plans for data centers that are never built or delayed for years.

The utility’s executives said their proposal sought to protect all customers if tech companies abandoned or delayed projects. They pointed to a case in Virginia, where regular customers had to cover initial costs of grid upgrades for a data center that started operating years later than planned.

In that case, a developer of data centers, Unicorn Interests, told Dominion Energy, a large utility, in 2010 that it would build a data center next to the regional airport in Manassas, near Washington, that would need electricity by July 2013.

Virginia regulators approved Dominion’s $42 million plan to build a substation and a transmission line to serve the campus, which was run by an investment trust founded by the real estate developers Hossein Fateh and Lammot J. du Pont, a descendant of the du Pont dynasty. By late spring 2013, Dominion had procured most of the materials it needed for the project and done some site work, but Unicorn was behind schedule.

Ultimately, the data center did not sign a customer until summer 2017. During the four-year delay, ratepayers in and around Manassas paid millions of dollars for upgrades that were not being used. Because Unicorn was not drawing electricity from the new equipment, it paid Dominion nothing or very little in those years.

In an interview, Mr. Fateh acknowledged the delays but said Unicorn had helped usher in a data center boom in the area.

He also said he supported the utility industry’s efforts to have data centers make upfront payments for grid upgrades to weed out projects that might not be completed.

“Most utilities really, really like our business because we are using a consistent amount of power, day or night,” he said. That means once they are up and running, data centers buy power all the time, unlike homes, which primarily use electricity in the morning and evening.

A spokesman for Dominion Energy, Aaron Ruby, said another data center project had replaced Unicorn and covered some of the costs, so “any impacts to residential customers would have been temporary and minimal, if anything at all.”

Data centers are contractually required, Mr. Ruby said, to pay for the full cost of new distribution infrastructure — including substations and the poles and wires that connect the data center to the substation — within the first four years of their service.

But that requirement does not apply to all upgrade costs. To serve large energy users, utilities also have to upgrade transmission lines that take electricity from power plants to the substation. The cost of upgrading those lines is generally borne by everyone.

Data centers have flocked to Northern Virginia because it is home to critical internet cabling and government agencies. The tech buildings now account for more than a quarter of the region’s energy use.

A Virginia agency concluded in a report in December that data centers had generally been paying their fair share of grid upgrade expenses, but that costs to residents could rise $276 a year by 2030 because of data centers. That number could be substantially higher if construction plans for data centers are delayed, or if they are never built or use less electricity than planned.

The report recommended that the state create a rate class for data centers — similar to the proposal that regulators approved in Ohio and other states are contemplating. At a hearing in Richmond, Va., in December, the tech companies pushed back against that idea.

“We do see an industry-specific rate class as discriminatory,” Brian George, a Google executive, said at the hearing. “Once we start going down that road, it does become a very slippery slope for how we can stop. If we assign it to one particular industry, how do we not assign it to another?”

But James Wilson, an energy economist who has consulted for consumer and environmental groups, noted that data centers accounted for almost all the electricity demand growth expected over the coming years in the Mid-Atlantic region.

“Discrimination, yes; undue, not really,” he testified at the same hearing.

The technology companies say they are open to compromises. In an interview, Amanda Peterson Corio, a Google executive responsible for data center energy, pointed to a deal with American Electric Power’s subsidiary in Indiana and consumer groups in that state, where tech companies agreed to pay some grid upgrade costs upfront to allay concerns about canceled or delayed projects.

But under that deal, data centers are not put into a new rate class. “You start to isolate different classes and start to allocate who we’re going to give power to and who we’re not,” Ms. Corio said. “That goes against every construct of how our electricity system was designed, which is to be open access.”

Tech companies say they plan to keep building data centers, but where those sites will be is uncertain. That puts utilities at risk of building more than their area needs.

Microsoft, for example, announced plans in October to build three data center campuses that would require power from the Ohio utility. “The Columbus region’s skilled work force, strong infrastructure and strategic location make it ideal for this project,” the company said then.

But six months later — before regulators ruled against the tech industry — Microsoft changed its data center strategy and said it was putting the Ohio projects on ice. For the foreseeable future, those sites would remain farmland.

NYT : SpaceX Gets Billions From the Government. It Gives Little to Nothing Back

SpaceX Gets Billions From the Government. It Gives Little to Nothing Back in Taxes.
Elon Musk’s rocket company relies on federal contracts, but years of losses have most likely let it avoid paying federal income taxes, according to internal company documents.

SpaceX, Elon Musk’s rocket and satellite internet company, has received billions of dollars in federal contracts over its more than two-decade existence.

But SpaceX has most likely paid little to no federal income taxes since its founding in 2002 and has privately told investors that it may never have to pay any, according to internal company documents reviewed by The New York Times.

The rocket maker’s finances have long been secret because the company is privately held. But the documents reviewed by The Times show that SpaceX can seize on a legal tax benefit that allows it to use the more than $5 billion in losses it racked up by late 2021 to offset paying future taxable income. President Trump made a change in 2017, during his first term, that eliminated the tax benefit’s expiration date for all companies. For SpaceX, that means that nearly $3 billion of its losses can be indefinitely applied against future taxable income.

Tax experts consulted by The Times said that not having to pay $5 billion in federal income taxes was substantial and notable for a company that has relied on contracts with the U.S. government to an unusual degree. SpaceX works closely with the Pentagon, NASA and other agencies, giving it a vital role in national security. In 2020, federal contracts generated almost 84 percent of the rocket maker’s revenue, according to the documents, a figure that had not been previously reported.

Larger tech companies — including some that have taken advantage of the tax benefit — often pay billions in federal income taxes. Microsoft, for one, said it expected to pay $14.1 billion in federal income taxes in its last fiscal year.

SpaceX can use the tax benefit even if its business thrives. By one measure of corporate profitability, the company had roughly $5 billion in earnings from its core operations last year, up from $2.6 billion in 2023, according to what the company has privately told some stakeholders.

Danielle Brian, the executive director of the Project on Government Oversight, a group that investigates corruption and waste in the government, said the tax benefit had historically been aimed at encouraging companies to stay in business during difficult times.

It was “quaint” that SpaceX was using it, she said, as it “was clearly not intended for a company doing so well.”

Mr. Musk has built SpaceX into one of the world’s most influential companies, which dominates the space industry through its rockets and its Starlink satellite internet service. It has been a jewel in the crown of his business empire and an essential source of his wealth and power, along with his electric vehicle company, Tesla. It has also given Mr. Musk a perch on the world stage, allowing him to weigh in on geopolitics.

Like many tech start-ups, SpaceX lost money as it plowed billions of dollars into building its business. Uber, Amazon, Tesla and other tech firms were also not profitable for years. As SpaceX has grown, the firm has been valued at more than $350 billion, crowning it one of the world’s most valuable private companies, according to the start-up tracker PitchBook.

Several news organizations have reported on aspects of SpaceX’s finances, which the company discloses to its investors and other stakeholders. But the documents reviewed by The Times — including income statements and balance sheets covering 23 years — offered new insight into SpaceX’s revenue sources, investors and taxes.

SpaceX appears to have paid some income taxes over the years, though likely not to the federal government, according to the documents. In one document, the company said it expected to pay $483,000 in income tax to foreign governments and $78,000 in state income tax in 2021. Separately, it reported paying $6,000 for income taxes in 2020 and 2021, but did not disclose if the payments were for federal, state or local governments.

SpaceX and Mr. Musk did not respond to requests for comment. Mr. Musk has often trumpeted SpaceX’s role in carrying out missions for NASA and other agencies. In June, he proudly posted on social media that the company had reached a milestone, as its “commercial revenue from space will exceed the entire budget of @NASA next year.”

Mr. Musk, who left his role as a close adviser to Mr. Trump in late May, founded SpaceX with the goal of shuttling humans to Mars and colonizing the Red Planet. He owned 44 percent of the company as of 2022, according to the documents.

Getting to Mars is an expensive endeavor, and SpaceX’s losses piled up from the start. In its first year of operation in 2002, the company lost about $4 million, the documents show. The next year, it lost $14.5 million. Those losses ballooned in subsequent years, reaching $341 million in 2020. In 2021, it lost $968 million.

All the while, Mr. Musk and Gwynne Shotwell, the president of SpaceX, pushed the company to grow. It began developing and testing Starship, a reusable rocket that Mr. Musk hopes will one day reach Mars.

By the end of 2021, SpaceX had accumulated almost $5.4 billion in tax losses, according to the most recent figure in the documents. Those losses generated the tax benefit, known as a net operating loss carryforward. It enables SpaceX to avoid federal income taxes on an equivalent amount of future taxable income. The benefit is available to all companies, including start-ups that lose money for years before turning a profit.

In one document, SpaceX told investors that it was “more likely than not that some portion or all of the deferred tax assets will not be realized,” meaning it might never pay taxes. The company cited, among other things, its past losses. Such language can be common for companies with a history of losses, and this outlook can be revised if their finances improve, said Robert Willens, an accounting analyst who runs his own firm.

SpaceX also benefited from a sweeping package of tax cuts that Mr. Trump signed in 2017. One change was eliminating a 20-year limit on the use of tax-loss carryforwards, meaning that losses generated after 2017 no longer expired. That change allows SpaceX to apply nearly $3 billion in carryforwards indefinitely.

In addition, the company had $227 million in carryforwards that could offset state income taxes, the documents show. It had more than $1.1 billion in other federal and state tax credits.

“Given the size of its net operating loss, the company almost surely didn’t pay any federal tax for years,” said Gregg Polsky, who teaches tax law at New York University School of Law. “And it’s so large, it’s unlikely it has paid taxes even if it has had positive taxable income in recent years.”

The tax benefits may have come in handy in recent years as SpaceX’s finances have improved, at least by one measure. The company has privately said its earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization nearly doubled to roughly $5 billion last year from 2023. That figure, known as EBITDA, is one way of measuring corporate profits but is not the same as the bottom line and does not mean that SpaceX is paying taxes.

Starting in the mid-2000s, SpaceX began landing hundreds of federal contracts, including one with NASA to deliver cargo to the International Space Station and another with a U.S. intelligence agency for $1.8 billion to provide spy satellites. Some contracts are expected to generate substantial revenue for years, according to the documents.

The documents, reviewed by The Times, provide the first insights into how heavily SpaceX depends on federal contracts. In 2020, they generated about $1.4 billion, or 83.8 percent, of the company’s total revenue that year. The next year, federal contracts brought in about $1.7 billion, or 76 percent, of the total revenue, the documents show.

Mr. Musk said in June that he expected SpaceX’s revenue to reach $15.5 billion this year. That is up from about $7.4 billion in 2023, the documents show. (Revenue includes sales of the company’s products.)

A big part of that growth stems from Starlink, which has six million subscribers, according to the company. The documents showed that SpaceX told investors that Starlink had 2.5 million users in 2023 and generated roughly $8 billion in revenue last year, more than double the previous year’s revenue and outpacing SpaceX’s rocket division in both years.

The documents do not include SpaceX’s net profits or losses for the past two years. The Wall Street Journal reported that the company generated $55 million in profit on $1.5 billion in revenue in the first quarter of 2023. Companies can simultaneously report profits to shareholders and tax losses to the I.R.S. in any given year because of the differences in how certain items are treated.

To fund SpaceX, Mr. Musk has relied on longtime investors like Fidelity and Google and friends like Antonio Gracias, who is also a SpaceX board member. The documents reviewed by The Times identified others who had not been publicly associated with the company.

A company called AI RT SPX Holdings is listed as an investor on a 2020 document. It appears to be affiliated with Access Industries, an investment firm founded by Len Blavatnik, the billionaire investor who was born in Ukraine and raised in Moscow and made his fortune in the privatization era in the 1990s after the Soviet Union collapsed. Now a British and American citizen, he has become a prolific philanthropist and investor in American and European companies.

The document was signed by two Access executives, including Mr. Blavatnik’s brother Alex Blavatnik. It is unclear whether Access Industries remains a SpaceX investor. Through a spokeswoman, Mr. Blavatnik declined to comment.

Chris Anderson, the entrepreneur who is the head of the organization behind TED Talks, appears to have invested in SpaceX through a company called Excalbians. He did not respond to requests for comment. Mr. Musk has delivered several TED Talks in the past.

FT : Vladimir Putin demands Ukraine withdrawal from eastern Donetsk as price of

Vladimir Putin demands Ukraine withdrawal from eastern Donetsk as price of ending war
Trump urges European leaders to drop efforts for ceasefire after failing to win over Russian president in Alaska

Vladimir Putin has demanded Ukraine withdraw from the eastern Donetsk region as a first step towards ending Russia’s war, as Donald Trump urged European leaders to drop efforts to secure a ceasefire from Moscow.

The Russian leader made the request during his meeting with Trump in Alaska on Friday, according to three people with direct knowledge of the talks. Trump then communicated it to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and European leaders in a call on Saturday.

The move would hand Moscow full control of a territory it has partially occupied for more than a decade and where its troops are advancing at the fastest pace since November.

In exchange for the Donetsk region, Putin said he would freeze the frontline in the southern regions of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, where his forces occupy large swatches of land, and to not launch new attacks to take more territory, according to two of the people familiar with the talks.

Russian forces control about 70 per cent of Donetsk, but its westernmost chain of cities remain under Ukraine’s control and are key to its military operation and defences along the eastern front.

People familiar with Zelenskyy’s thinking said he would not agree to hand over Donetsk, but that he would be open to discussing the issue of territory with Trump in Washington, where they are expected to meet at the US president’s invitation on Monday.

Zelenskyy would also be open to discussing the matter in a trilateral meeting with Trump and Putin, the people said.

The White House did not respond to a request for comment about the substance of Trump’s discussions with Putin.

Dmitry Peskov, Putin’s spokesman, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

In a post on social media on Saturday, Trump urged European leaders to drop efforts to secure a ceasefire from Putin, advising Zelenskyy to “make a deal” with Russia.

“It was determined by all that the best way to end the horrific war between Russia and Ukraine is to go directly to a Peace Agreement, which would end the war, and not a mere Ceasefire Agreement, which often times do not hold up,” Trump wrote on Truth Social after a call with European leaders including German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and French President Emmanuel Macron.

“If all works out, we will then schedule a meeting with President Putin,” Trump added on Truth Social.

The Kremlin said that Putin and Trump did not discuss a three-way meeting with Zelenskyy in Anchorage. It did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Donetsk.

Putin made it clear that he had not dropped his core demands to “resolve the root causes” of the conflict, which would essentially end Ukraine’s statehood in its current form and roll back Nato’s eastward expansion.

The Russian president is prepared to compromise on other issues, including territory, if he is satisfied the “root causes” are addressed, according to a former senior Kremlin official.

The Russian demand and Trump’s unwillingness to insist on a ceasefire are likely to revive deep angst among Europeans leaders, who expressed alarm before the Alaska meeting when the US president floated the possibility of land swaps as part of a peace deal.

They then drew some reassurance when Trump promised them he would secure a commitment from the Russian leader to halt hostilities as a preliminary step towards peace negotiations — going so far as to threaten “severe consequences” if Putin refused.

But the three-hour encounter produced no such outcome. Instead it provided Putin — who is wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court since launching the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 — with an opportunity to break out of his international isolation. Trump welcomed him in Anchorage with a red carpet and was seen joking with him before the talks.