FT : How to pick a company ripe for takeover

How to pick a company ripe for takeover
Targets are often market leaders with established businesses and substantial sales

If you’ve ever been to a British seaside town, the chances are that you’ve succumbed to the “penny falls”. The idea is to send coins down metal chutes on to money-laden shelves that rhythmically move back and forth.

The skill lies in directing your coin towards the most precarious piles in the hope of nudging them over the precipice and collecting a bonanza.

I suspect many investors are now playing a similar game with UK smaller company stocks — hunting down those ripe for takeover in the hope of a share price boost after they are snapped up.

According to Charles Hall at broker Peel Hunt, 45 UK companies with a market cap of more than £100mn were acquired last year, and a further 33 have been acquired already this year. 

We have seen three deals recently in funds I run. Pawnbroker H&T accepted a cash offer from US peer FirstCash. Industrial chain-maker Renold and high-tech instrument manufacturer Spectris have reached agreements with private equity houses. 

The deals were at a premium to the pre-announcement share prices of between 40 and 96 per cent. So these takeovers can be lucrative and trying to target the next one may seem like a smart strategy. But can it work?  

You might try a couple of approaches. The first is buying on rumours — but be warned, you may end up paying a “bid premium” for deals that don’t happen. Indeed, most of this year’s announced takeover bids appear to have surprised the market.

This may be because bids are being made public earlier, giving little time for leaks and chatter. Companies receiving bids may have a vested interest in going public quickly to flush out other potential buyers. Compliance requirements also tend to encourage earlier announcements.  

This can mean more prospective deals failing to complete. If you own a company engaged in takeover talks it may be sensible to sell at least part of your holding if prices have risen sharply on the news in case the bid stumbles. 

A more reliable tactic might be to focus on companies with the characteristics of a good takeover target. So what might they be?

First, think scale and scope for expansion. Often, targets are businesses with substantial sales and leading positions in their market. Buying an established business and either managing it better or using it as a base from which to expand beats investing the time and cost of building something from scratch.  

Take Dowlais, a global autos supplier, which this year agreed a merger at a modest premium with US peer, American Axle. Dowlais was among the world leaders in producing sideshafts for car manufacturers such as Stellantis. 

A metric we use to identify this kind of business is enterprise value compared with a company’s sales. In the case of Dowlais, in 2024 it generated over £4bn of sales, but its market cap at the end of the year was less than £1bn.

Even including just over £1bn of debt, you could buy the shares on an EV/sales of approximately 0.4 times. American Axle was drawn in by the scale that Dowlais could bring in an industry where the end customer — car manufacturers — are notoriously tough negotiators. 

The next tactic is to follow the cash. Private equity has been a big buyer of UK smaller companies. Often the purchase is made using debt. So companies with modest levels of debt and lots of assets that would be expensive to replace make obvious contenders. Of course, these businesses should be very profitable and have strong cash flows, because the private equity buyers will need that income to repay the debt they take on for the purchase.  

It almost goes without saying that the companies should be undervalued. In my view, that’s still a large part of the UK market, but there are some areas that look particularly inexpensive. Many of the businesses we’ve owned that have later been captured by private equity buyers are high-margin people companies, such as corporate adviser K3 Capital or specialist consultant Alpha FMC. The public markets seemed to put much lower valuations on these businesses’ impressive margins and scope for future growth than private equity did. 

Finally, look for under-appreciated divisions — sometimes a takeover may not be of a whole business. In May, Johnson Matthey sold its catalyst technologies division to US firm Honeywell. This generated roughly 20 per cent of the business’s earnings, but at the time the £1.8bn sale price represented roughly 80 per cent of Johnson Matthey’s market capitalisation. The result was an immediate 29 per cent surge in the share price. Companies with such unlocked value look very tempting. 

With all that said, I have mixed views on the takeover trend. It’s difficult not to feel uneasy as the initial sugar rush subsides following an announcement. The bid prices often don’t reflect the medium-term prospects of these companies. You need to find equally good replacements afterwards — and, though this has been doable so far, it could change if this level of takeover activity persists. 

As for trying to guess the timing of the next takeover, in my experience that’s a mug’s game — just like the penny falls arcade machines. Those piles of coins can hang teasingly for a very long time. 

A company ripe for a takeover is usually one worth owning yourself. So try thinking of businesses you would like to take over. Ultimately, this approach is more likely to enrich you over the long term — regardless of whether those companies are bought or remain listed.  

FT : Octopus Energy chief defends failure to meet new capital targets

Octopus Energy chief defends failure to meet new capital targets
Greg Jackson insists it is ‘implausible’ for his company to comply with Ofgem rules and maintain contract with Shell

The boss of the UK’s largest domestic energy supplier has defended its failure to meet the industry regulator’s new capital buffer targets, insisting it was currently “implausible” for his company to comply with the “crude” regime.

Greg Jackson, founder and chief executive of Octopus Energy, said the rules brought in this year by Ofgem were introduced “in a hurry”, and failed to take into account measures to mitigate risk, such as his company’s supply contract with Shell that made it “more resilient” than rivals. 

Octopus, which last week announced plans to spin off its Kraken software unit, at a potential $10bn valuation, is one of three companies yet to met the capital thresholds meant to prevent a repeat of the wave of UK energy supplier collapses in 2021-2022, when wholesale energy prices surged.

Octopus has publicly stated its position, but the other two companies have not been publicly identified. Of the other big suppliers, EDF, E.ON, British Gas and Scottish Power have all said they have met the requirements, while Ovo Energy has declined to confirm either way. 

Those who have not met the targets have agreed plans to do so — meaning they are not in breach of any rules. But rivals are angry, arguing they have an unfair advantage and are potentially less resilient to financial shocks.

British Gas owner Centrica has said that offenders should be banned from taking on new customers.

“It’s completely unsatisfactory,” said an executive at one supplier. “We need to make sure we have these funds locked away.”

Jackson declined to give details of how Octopus would meet the capital targets, but stressed the importance of its “ironclad” deal with Shell to buy gas and electricity.

“We pay for a multiyear insurance policy and Ofgem is very comfortable with that,” he said, explaining that Octopus was not liable for collateral, or the cash calls that put huge pressure on companies during the energy crisis.

“We have a $200bn balance sheet [of Shell] behind us.”

When it would be able to meet the buffer would depend on how long the Shell contract stayed in place. “It would be implausible to switch to Ofgem’s way of doing it at the same time,” he said. Shell declined to comment.

The new Ofgem rules, announced in 2023 and introduced in March, state that companies must hold enough cash or other assets to be able to withstand shocks in the market such as surges in wholesale prices. The more customers they have, the more they need to hold.

But Jackson said they were “introduced in a hurry and are too crude”, and focused on the wrong areas.

“The problem during the energy crisis was the lack of hedging, but Ofgem refuses to regulate this,” he said. “Instead, they’re regulating capital adequacy as a crude proxy for financial resources, without looking at the measures a company has in place to mitigate financial risk.”

Jackson, 54, has become an increasingly influential figure in UK business as one of its most successful entrepreneurs. He became a non-executive director to the UK government’s cabinet office board last month, and was on the guest list for last week’s Windsor Castle banquet with visiting US President Donald Trump.

Octopus, which has more than 7mn customers and is backed by investors and utilities including Generation Investment Management and Australia’s Origin Energy, is the most successful of the challenger companies set up to take on the Big Six energy suppliers such as British Gas. 

In July, as Ovo unveiled plans for a renewables generation arm, its chief executive David Buttress said it would help “strengthen our balance sheet”, though it would have made the plans even without the new capital requirements.

Ofgem noted the increasing resilience of the UK energy sector, which has moved from net negative assets during the energy crisis to £7.5bn of adjusted net assets now.

This “protects consumers by acting as a buffer to absorb losses”, the regulator said, adding that it expected all suppliers to adhere to its capital requirements.

It also said that it monitored suppliers’ hedging strategy, including through monthly data requests and regular stress-testing.

FT : Welcome to London, the divorce capital of the world

Welcome to London, the divorce capital of the world
A recent court ruling is expected to bring a new flood of ‘divorce tourists’ seeking higher payouts

Earlier this month, in a rain-drenched London, Natalia Potanina, the ex-wife of a Russian billionaire, won the right to pursue her divorce claim in the English courts, despite the separation being formalised in Russia more than a decade earlier.

Potanina, who for 30 years was married to Vladimir Potanin, a former first deputy prime minister of Russia — and twice ranked by Forbes as the country’s richest person — is seeking a multibillion-dollar settlement from his estimated $20bn fortune.

The ruling paves the way for the biggest divorce case ever heard in the UK. But more than that, lawyers say, it will encourage an even greater number of “divorce tourists” — which Potanina’s team insist she is not — seeking more favourable payouts to come to England, cementing London’s reputation as the divorce capital of the world.

“This case doesn’t just open the door to ‘divorce tourism’ — it opens the floodgates to post-divorce tourism,” says Michael Gouriet, partner in the UK family law team at Withers. “It sends a message that people who already have a divorce settlement elsewhere could still try their luck in England if they can establish a connection.”

The prize for pursuing a claim in London can be highly lucrative — at least for one half of a separated couple. The English and Welsh legal system is attractive to the financially weaker party because it focuses on splitting combined marital wealth equally, even if one partner was the main breadwinner.

The approach differs from that in Scotland and many European countries, where financial awards are far less generous and maintenance is often limited to a few years, with an expectation that both parties will become financially independent.

The discrepancies can even result in a “race” to file for divorce: the financially weaker spouse seeks to file in England, while the main breadwinner prefers another jurisdiction.

Charles Hale KC, barrister at 4PB, says: “International businesses come to London for their complex litigation. Wives come for their divorces. The reasons are the same: the quality of the judiciary and their adherence to the rule of law, the legal excellence of the English Bar and the flexibility of the English legal system to adapt to achieve fairness.”

Hale predicts that many international or expatriate husbands who have been divorced in jurisdictions that do not insist on full financial disclosure — for example, where family assets held in companies, trusts or pensions cannot be divided — may now face further litigation in London even after a “final” order has been made abroad.

“If a wife — and it’s almost always a wife — can satisfy the jurisdictional hurdles and bring a claim in England . . . the law is now clear,” says Hale. “If they have a good arguable case for a further share of the assets, even after a full-blown divorce elsewhere, they will be allowed to bring their claims before an English judge.”

So, while national divorce rates are near their lowest level in more than 50 years according to the Office for National Statistics, London lawyers who deal with globally complex, high net worth cases say they are busier than ever.

But the rise of London as the break-up capital of the world comes with wider costs. Critics point to the added strain these high profile cases put on an already stretched judicial system. What’s more, should London really be interfering with legal decisions made elsewhere?


A pathway for those who divorced abroad to bring claims for financial relief in England and Wales has been open since 1984, under part III of the Matrimonial and Family Proceedings Act. This allows divorcees to bring a claim in London if they can establish sufficient links to the UK and demonstrate that the outcome overseas was unfair. But it was not until the early 2000s that London truly established its reputation as the world’s “divorce capital”.

The turning point was a landmark case between two divorcing farmers, Martin and Pamela White, which established that marriage is a partnership of equals. “There should be no bias in favour of the money earner and against the homemaker and child carer,” ruled Lord Nicholls of Birkenhead.

Since then, the starting point for courts in dividing assets has been to split them equally, under the so-called “yardstick of equality” principle. Judges can, and do, deviate from this position, but only with “good reason”.

In addition to equal division of assets, English courts have also been willing to grant ongoing maintenance orders. The Matrimonial Causes Act 1973 requires the courts to consider the standard of living enjoyed by the family before the breakdown of the marriage.

The extent of that principle was demonstrated in 2016 by the case of Christina Estrada, a former supermodel, who was awarded a £53mn cash settlement following her divorce from Saudi billionaire Sheikh Walid Juffali.

Her “needs” submitted to the court included a budget for £1mn a year on designer clothes (including £40,000 annually for a fur coat) plus £8,000 for pet expenses, £138,000 on beauty care and £26,300 on mobile phone bills.

Such eye-watering sums could be dwarfed by the Potanin case. Natalia Potanina was awarded about $40mn by Russian courts when she divorced her billionaire former husband Vladimir Potanin in 2014. Seven years ago she filed a claim in England, arguing that the Russian settlement was unjust because it did not meet her needs given the lifestyle she had enjoyed during the marriage.

She has contended that she is entitled to about $6bn, including wealth tied up in trusts and companies in which her ex-husband is a beneficial owner. After a protracted jurisdictional battle, the Court of Appeal ruled in September that she could indeed bring her case in London, as she had a “real and meaningful connection” to England.

That decision overturned the High Court, which blocked her claim in 2019 on the basis that the couple had little connection with the UK. Mr Justice Sir Jonathan Cohen said at the time that if it proceeded, there would in effect be “no limit to divorce tourism”.

But the Court of Appeal disagreed, highlighting that Potanina lived in the UK having obtained an investor visa and bought a London property in 2014. In its ruling, the judges said Cohen had “formed an adverse view about the wife’s motivation for taking up residence in this country, namely in order to make a financial remedy claim” but that “this conclusion is unfair to the wife, and indeed unsound”.

In practice, “divorce tourism” is available only to the wealthy. “Costs can run into hundreds of thousands, and now, given the value of cases that are being litigated, sometimes into the millions of pounds,” says Clare Wiseman, partner at law firm Irwin Mitchell.

The financially weaker party can sometimes recover their costs, especially if the courts regard the other side as failing to act properly, such as by failing to disclose assets. But the general presumption is that each party bears its own costs.

A more serious obstacle is enforceability. How payment would be secured in the Potanin case is unclear, given that the husband is Russian and under UK sanctions for ties to the Kremlin.

“The case history is littered with examples of people who have what I would call an expensive piece of paper,” said Peter Burgess, a partner at Burgess Mee. “Getting their hands on the money is more difficult than they would like.”

Gouriet agrees. “Even if she wins a billion-pound award, the real challenge is enforcement. In these situations, English orders can end up being . . . difficult to cash in,” he says.

One notorious example was the divorce between Russian billionaire Farkhad Akhmedov and his ex-wife Tatiana Akhmedova. London’s High Court ruled in 2016 that Akhmedov should pay her £453.58mn, but he resisted the award, triggering a battle over assets that stretched across Monaco, Dubai and England. Five years later, his ex-wife accepted a settlement, having tried unsuccessfully to seize his superyacht, Luna.

Bryan Jones, a partner at Hughes Fowler Carruthers, which represented Natalia Potanina, says: “In any international divorce there is always a question of enforcement, and some jurisdictions can be trickier than others about enforcing an English order. But there is a long history of English court orders being enforced abroad.”

A ruling in July showed the limits of English courts’ generosity. The UK’s Supreme Court ruled that Anna Standish, the wife of UBS’s former chief financial officer Clive Standish, was not entitled to half of £78mn he had previously given her during the marriage, as the sum had been given to avoid inheritance tax and for the benefit of their children. The couple had therefore never truly shared the assets, making it “non-matrimonial property”. The ruling significantly reduced her settlement.

More broadly, lawyers say, judges have become less generous than a decade ago. “We used to see lifetime maintenance [awards], and we never see that now,” says Sarah-Jane Lenihan, a partner at Dawson Cornwell. “There is a real expectation that an individual maximises their income capacity.”

Courts are now saying “if you’ve got an earning capacity you should get back to work as soon as possible,” Wiseman says.

English courts are also increasingly attaching weight to prenuptial agreements, offering greater protection for the financially stronger party.

Even so, few, if any, other jurisdictions come close to England.

“If Ms Potanina had moved to Scotland rather than England after her Russian divorce, she would have had no claim at all,” says Gouriet at Withers. “The Scottish test, in a different part of the same statute, is much stricter: the marriage itself must have a substantial connection to the jurisdiction. Here in England, the bar is lower — and notably in this case, her connections have only deepened in the years since her divorce.”

He adds: “The irony is that if this case had been heard in 2019, her connection to England would have been much weaker. The longer it drags on, the stronger her links become.”

This case raises bigger questions for Gouriet, such as should the law be revisited? Should jurisdictional hurdles be raised? He goes on: “If we asked a lay person in the street they might find it odd that England allows people to bring a claim after divorce, when the marriage itself had no real connection here.”

Others caution against over-interpreting its significance. Sean Hilton, a partner at Stevens & Bolton, says: “There is a lack of transparency and reporting on the volume and types of cases that are being dealt with each year within the Family Court and it may be that there are fewer cases involving those from other jurisdictions than we might assume. ‘Divorce capital of the world’ certainly has a nice ring to it, but it is important to look beyond the name in practice.”

Shivi Rajput, a partner at Stowe Family Law, agrees. “The English court must be satisfied there are substantial grounds for the claim. It is not enough merely to dislike the settlement granted abroad. The court will scrutinise the applicant’s links with England — habitual residence, property, residency, visa status — and whether the foreign proceedings were fair and comprehensive. If connections to England and Wales are too tenuous, a claim may be rejected or only partly allowed.”

Yet London’s enduring global appeal has drawn criticism, not least given significant delays for ordinary cases. The family courts, like much of England’s justice system, are beset by lengthy waits. Official figures released this week showed an increase in how long couples need to wait to finalise divorces. The average time from application to conditional order stands at 41 weeks, near a record high.

“Day in, day out, we struggle with delays and a lack of judicial availability,” Lenihan says. “To see court time being taken up with a case like this [Potanin’s] is pretty frustrating.”

She adds: “We shouldn’t be interfering. If the couple had spent all or the majority of their married life here, fine. But I don’t think it should just be an open door.”

FT : UniCredit could make board more German to win over Commerzbank

UniCredit could make board more German to win over Commerzbank
Italian bank is open to a permanent increase in number of German representatives if it takes over rival lender

Italian bank UniCredit is open to making its board more German if it helps swing a takeover of Commerzbank, a cross-border deal that has been fiercely opposed by Berlin.

The Milanese lender could offer to permanently increase the number of German nationals on its board of directors as part of takeover negotiations, people familiar with the matter said.

A tie-up with Commerzbank would mean about a third of the group’s balance sheet came from Germany, and UniCredit would be open to setting aside “a relevant proportion” of its board seats for German nationals to reflect the country’s contribution to the group, the people added.

UniCredit first made a move on Commerzbank last September, catching the German government off-guard. Since then the Italian bank has built a 29 per cent stake through a combination of share purchases and derivative transactions, and its chief executive Andrea Orcel has made clear his desire for an all-out takeover.

Commerzbank’s board and Berlin have voiced their opposition to UniCredit swooping on Germany’s second-largest lender, however. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and finance minister Lars Klingbeil have both rejected the idea of an “unfriendly” takeover of Commerzbank and said they wanted the bank to remain independent.

There are no live discussions between UniCredit, Commerzbank and the German government regarding a potential offer at present. Orcel said earlier this year that he could wait until 2027 before deciding on a takeover bid for Commerzbank.

Board representation is one of several proposals UniCredit would be open to making to help secure a deal with Commerzbank.

UniCredit already has a presence in Germany through its HypoVereinsbank (HVB) subsidiary, which it acquired in 2005.

Other measures UniCredit could propose include keeping a combined HVB and Commerzbank headquartered in Germany, promising not to close a certain percentage of branches, or maintaining a level of lending for a period of time, which is common in most bank transactions.

One person familiar with the matter said that proposing governance changes was common in transaction negotiations. They stressed that all strategic proposals to be put forward in the event of talks between the two sides would have to first be agreed by UniCredit’s board.

However, the person added that concessions “cannot be all one way” and a deal would require Commerzbank to be willing to sit down to discuss proposals and meet UniCredit “in the middle”.

UniCredit declined to comment.

UniCredit has previously overhauled its board following an acquisition. When the Italian bank acquired HVB, the German lender’s chief executive Dieter Rampl was brought in as chair of the combined group.

Rampl had a complicated tenure at the helm of UniCredit, however. Rampl ousted chief executive Alessandro Profumo in 2010, but left in 2012 after failing to secure enough support for an overhaul of the board’s composition.

FT : Donald Trump announces 100% tariff on branded pharmaceutical products

Donald Trump announces 100% tariff on branded pharmaceutical products
The US president also unveiled levies on heavy trucks, kitchen cabinets and bathroom vanities

Donald Trump has announced tariffs of 100 per cent on medicines and pharmaceutical goods imported into the US in a sudden escalation of his global trade war. 

The levies will be imposed on all branded or patented pharmaceutical goods from October 1, the president wrote in a Truth Social post on Thursday.

Exemptions would be offered to companies actively building new manufacturing sites in the US. This will be “defined as, ‘breaking ground’ and/or ‘under construction’,” Trump wrote. “There will, therefore, be no Tariff on these Pharmaceutical Products if construction has started.”

The latest salvo came as part of a series of late-night posts in which Trump also imposed fresh tariffs on heavy trucks, kitchen cabinets, bathroom vanities and furniture.

The move will rattle the global pharmaceutical and automotive industry, and inflame tensions with US trading partners.

Heavy trucks made overseas will be subject to a 25 per cent tariff, while cabinets, bathroom vanities and “associated products” will be hit with a levy of 50 per cent and upholstered furniture with 30 per cent.

The US launched a national security probe that could lead to tariffs on pharmaceutical products earlier this year, but it is unclear if the tariffs Trump will apply are part of the outcome of that investigation.

He has also touted plans to allow companies more time to build manufacturing plants in the US.

Trump roiled global markets in April after unveiling steep “reciprocal” tariffs on almost every trading partner, before suspending the levies and reapplying them at slightly lower rates later in the year.

Pharmaceutical goods are exempt from those reciprocal tariffs, meaning many drugs will face steep levies for the first time when they come into effect in less than a week.

The tariffs announced by Trump on Thursday do not apply to generic drugs, meaning off-brand medicines can still be imported to the US without being subject to the “reciprocal” duties.

In Japan, shares in Sumitomo Pharma, which sells prostate cancer and bladder treatments in the US, fell 5 per cent on Friday, while Otsuka Holdings and Roche-controlled Chugai Pharmaceutical fell 4.1 per cent and 2.8 per cent, respectively. 

Tokyo’s chief trade negotiator Ryosei Akazawa has insisted that the US has given Japan most favoured nation status on levies on semiconductors and drugs, meaning they would not be higher than those applied to other nations or blocs. 

The EU said that the US agreed levies on pharmaceutical goods would not exceed 15 per cent but it remains unclear how Japanese branded drug imports to the US will be treated as a result of Trump’s latest social media post.

Some Japanese pharmaceutical groups have already made big commitments to invest in US production such as Takeda, which announced in May a $30bn investment plan in the country over the next five years. Its shares were flat on Friday.

Trump framed his tariffs on trucks and bathroom cabinets as a matter of national security. “We need our Truckers to be financially healthy and strong, for many reasons, but above all else, for National Security purposes!” he wrote on social media.

He accused “other outside countries” of “large scale ‘FLOODING’” of cabinets and furniture into the US and said America’s manufacturing processes should be protected.

WSJ : Trump Takes Aim at Chip Makers With New Plan to Throttle Imports

Trump Takes Aim at Chip Makers With New Plan to Throttle Imports
Administration wants domestic manufacturing to match imports and would impose tariffs on those companies that don’t step up production

  • The Trump administration is considering a plan to mandate a 1:1 ratio of domestically manufactured to imported semiconductors.
  • Companies failing to meet the 1:1 domestic-to-overseas chip manufacturing ratio would face tariffs.
  • The proposed policy aims to reduce U.S. reliance on foreign-made semiconductors and enhance economic security.

The Trump administration is weighing a new plan to reduce dramatically the U.S.’s reliance on semiconductors made overseas, hoping to spur domestic manufacturing and reshape global supply chains.

The policy’s goal is to have chip companies manufacture the same number of semiconductors in the U.S. as their customers import from overseas producers. Companies that don’t maintain a 1:1 ratio over time would have to pay a tariff, according to people familiar with the concept.

The plan is the result of what President Trump referred to last month when he said tech companies that invest more in the U.S. would avoid roughly 100% tariffs on semiconductors, the people said. Matching capacity of domestic chips with imports is a taller order than simply increasing domestic investments because overseas products are often cheaper, supply chains are difficult to tweak, and increasing U.S. supply takes time.

If implemented, the plan could further complicate an already-convoluted tariff system.

Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick has discussed the idea with semiconductor industry executives and told them it might be needed for economic security, the people said. Administration officials have worried for many years that U.S. tech companies are overly dependent on chips made overseas, particularly in Taiwan, which is roughly 80 miles from mainland China and seen as vulnerable to Chinese aggression or natural disasters that could roil tech-supply chains.

Tech executives are focused on the issue because chips are ubiquitous in the modern economy and power everything from smartphones to cars. Companies often send chips manufactured in the U.S. overseas to be assembled into tech products. They are then returned as components within those larger products, making tariff implementation challenging. It couldn’t be determined how tariff value would be calculated for products containing chips, and the plan could still change.

“America cannot be reliant on foreign imports for the semiconductor products that are essential for our national and economic security,” White House spokesman Kush Desai said. “Unless officially announced by the administration, however, any reporting about our policymaking should be treated as speculative.”

Under the new system, if a company pledged to build one million chips in the U.S., it would essentially be credited with that amount over time so the company and its customers could import until its plant was completed without paying tariffs, the people said. There could be relief at the start of the process to give companies time to adjust and increase U.S. capacity, the people said.

The process could challenge the biggest tech companies such as Apple and Dell Technologies, which import products containing a host of different chips from all over the world. Under the proposed system, companies would potentially have to keep track of where all those chips were made and work with chip makers to match the number of U.S. and overseas products over time.

It could be a boon for companies increasing U.S. production such as Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co., Micron Technology and GlobalFoundries, which would get more leverage in discussions with customers.

The exemption process could test the relationship between the president and tech executives, who have pledged hundreds of billions of dollars in new U.S. investment to appeal to him. Trump praised Apple Chief Executive Tim Cook last month for increasing the company’s U.S. investments after criticizing him earlier in the year for still making iPhones overseas. The company and industry analysts have said it is unrealistic to manufacture them in America.

The administration is conducting a trade investigation into how chip imports affect national security and is expected to announce the new chip levies after it concludes.

The U.S. awarded manufacturers billions of dollars in grants and other subsidies through the 2022 Chips Act, but some companies have complained that their customers are still reluctant to pay more for American-made products when they can go overseas.

The new plan would be part of the Trump administration’s effort at tackling the problem, using the threat of tariffs to push companies to buy more U.S. chips.

Depending on how it is implemented, the plan might face roadblocks if some highly advanced or specialty products couldn’t be easily made in the U.S.

NY Times : Trump Will Slap Tariffs on Imported Drugs, Trucks and Household Furni

Trump Will Slap Tariffs on Imported Drugs, Trucks and Household Furnishings
The president said his tariffs would range from 25 to 100 percent and go into effect next week.

President Trump on Thursday announced a slew of steep tariffs on pharmaceuticals, semi trucks, kitchen cabinets and furniture, saying import taxes on those products would go into effect on Oct. 1.

The effects of the new tariffs are likely to be felt across sectors of the economy, from housing and health care to logistics. The tariffs range from 25 percent to 100 percent, with the highest levies applying to “any branded or patented” pharmaceutical product coming into the United States.

The president also said the United States would begin imposing a 50 percent tariff on imported kitchen cabinets, bathroom vanities and associated products, along with a 30 percent tariff on imported upholstered furniture and a 25 percent tariff on foreign semi trucks.

The prospect of tariffs on foreign-made pharmaceuticals had spurred fears of higher drug prices and shortages of critical medicines. But Mr. Trump’s announcement Thursday suggested that many of the most well-known and best-selling medicines could be exempt from the levies, potentially limiting their effect.

Mr. Trump said exceptions would be made for pharmaceutical companies that are building manufacturing plants in the United States and have broken ground. In addition, a much lower tariff rate secured through a trade deal struck in July could protect brand-name drugs imported to the United States from Europe, where nearly all of the biggest multinational drugmakers have a significant manufacturing presence. It was not immediately clear if Mr. Trump’s announcement would alter any terms of that deal.

This year, as Mr. Trump has repeatedly threatened to impose tariffs on imported medicines, most of the largest brand-name drugmakers have announced plans to spend billions of dollars building or expanding U.S. factories. Some of them have already broken ground.

Mr. Trump made his announcements on social media, and much remains unclear about them.

Mr. Trump said the moves would protect American producers from “unfair outside competition.” He said his actions were justified by “large scale ‘FLOODING’” of the products into the United States by other countries.

“It is a very unfair practice, but we must protect, for National Security and other reasons, our Manufacturing process,” Mr. Trump wrote.

The tariffs will be issued under a provision of a national security law, known as Section 232, that Mr. Trump has used to issue tariffs on steel, aluminum, cars and copper. On Wednesday, the Trump administration announced that it was beginning new investigations under the law into imports of robotics, industrial machinery and medical devices, which could result in tariffs.

The decision to lean heavily on Section 232 national security tariffs comes as the president is facing a legal challenge to sweeping global levies he has issued against dozens of countries under a different emergency powers law.

The Supreme Court said this month that it would quickly hear the case challenging the president’s tariffs under that law, known as the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. If the Supreme Court rules against the president, as lower courts have done, the Trump administration would be forced to withdraw tariffs it has issued against exports from dozens of countries to address trade deficits and their alleged role in the fentanyl trade.

But tariffs issued under other laws, including Section 232, would be left standing.

Before Mr. Trump’s moves this week, the administration had already issued or proposed Section 232 tariffs covering nearly one-third of U.S. imports, according to calculations by the Progressive Policy Institute, a centrist Democratic think tank.

The new tariffs could weigh heavily on consumers outfitting their houses, as well as home builders. The United States has imported an increasing share of furniture, kitchen cabinets and bathroom vanities in recent years, including from countries like Vietnam, China, Mexico and Malaysia.

Many of the semi trucks sold in the United States, in contrast, are made in American factories, meaning the impact of tariffs on that sector could be more limited. Heavy trucks are produced in the United States under brand names like Freightliner, Western Star and Peterbilt, though some of the big heavy truck makers in the U.S. are owned by European companies like Daimler Truck and Volvo Trucks.

The American Trucking Associations, a group that represents trucking companies, said in May that the only big foreign source of truck imports was Mexico.

“Heavy-duty tractors bought by U.S. carriers only come from two places: the United States and Mexico,” the association wrote in a letter responding to the 232 investigation into truck imports. “There are virtually no other countries that export finished heavy-duty tractors into the U.S. market.”

America’s supply of brand-name drugs is primarily made in Europe or the United States. Drugmakers manufacture some of their biggest and best-known blockbusters in Europe, including Botox and popular weight-loss drugs like Ozempic. Ireland, in particular, is now where the biggest drugmakers manufacture many of their products and shift their profits to lower their tax bills.

In the trade deal reached in July between the United States and the European Union, officials agreed to a maximum of a 15 percent tariff on imported brand-name medicines from Europe. The Trump administration said at the time that the Section 232 tariffs on pharmaceuticals would not layer on top of that rate. The White House did not respond to a request for comment on Thursday night on whether anything had changed.

Mr. Trump said on Thursday that the exemption for drugmakers building U.S. factories would apply for those “‘breaking ground’ and/or ‘under construction.’”

In recent months, some of the largest drugmakers have announced that they have begun construction on new factories in the United States. This month, for example, Gilead Sciences broke ground on a new manufacturing site in California. This spring, Merck broke ground on a new factory in Delaware where it plans to eventually make the world’s best-selling drug, the cancer medication Keytruda.

Drugmakers have also announced a string of plans to build factories. Eli Lilly said this week that it plans to build a factory in Houston to help make a much-anticipated weight-loss pill that could win regulatory approval in the coming months.

The president’s announcement suggested that the new pharmaceutical tariffs might not apply for generic drugs, which are much cheaper than brand-name products and account for the vast majority of Americans’ prescriptions. The White House did not respond to a request for comment about whether that would be true.

If that is the case, it would be a huge victory for generic manufacturers, many of which said they would not be able to afford to bring production back to the United States because they have such thin margins. It would also be a win for India’s giant pharmaceutical sector, which makes a huge share of the generic drugs taken by Americans.

The drug industry had feared the prospect of much more damaging tariffs that could cut deeply into its profits, as Mr. Trump had spent months threatening tariffs as high as 250 percent, without details on how drugmakers could be exempted. The industry has lobbied heavily to seek exemptions.

Still, even limited pharmaceutical tariffs threaten to be costly for drugmakers without exemptions. The drug industry’s main lobbying group, PhRMA, said on Thursday evening that the tariffs threaten the manufacturing investments companies have planned in the United States.

“Tariffs risk those plans because every dollar spent on tariffs is a dollar that cannot be invested in American manufacturing or the development of future treatments and cures,” Alex Schriver, a spokesman for PhRMA, said in a statement.

In a note to investors on Thursday night, analysts at the investment bank Leerink Partners said many of the largest drugmakers “should not be exposed” because of their U.S. factory construction underway. But, they wrote, “it is difficult to predict which smaller U.S. biopharma companies may face exposure.”

Mr. Trump’s announcement on tariffs amps up the pressure on the drug industry, which has been facing a barrage of threats to its business model from the Trump administration. Earlier in the day on Thursday, the Trump administration published a notice on a federal website signaling plans to initiate a regulatory process to try to force drugmakers to cut U.S. prices to the lower levels in other wealthy countries.

Earlier this month, Trump officials said they would move to enact a regulatory process that could take drug advertisements off TV.

>>> US After Hours Summary: COST -0.7% modestly lower on earnings; CNXC -21.6%,

After Hours Summary: COST -0.7% modestly lower on earnings; CNXC -21.6%, LGCY -12.9%, LPTH -6.9% lower on earnings; CRNX halted, but FDA approves PALSONIFY for acromegaly

After Hours Gainers:

Companies trading higher in after hours in reaction to earnings/guidance: None

Companies trading higher in after hours in reaction to news: FTI +2.1% (awarded a substantial contract by ExxonMobil Guyana), TXT +2% (awarded a $163 mln Army contract; also awarded a $359 mln modification to DLA contract), ORCL +1.4% (President Trump signs exec order approving TikTok deal, according to CNBC), GOOG +1% (META discussing with Google on using Gemini to boost ad targeting, according to The Information), SAP +1% (awarded a $1 bln US Army contract for an end user license agreement), ZBH +0.9% (Japan PMDA approval of hip replacement system), PSEC +0.7% (CEO bought 384000 worth ~$1.02 mln), HROW +0.6% (launches Harrow Access for All), EXK +0.6% (intersects high-grade silver-lead-zinc mineralization at its Kolpa Operation), LMT +0.5% (awarded a $610 mln modification to previously awarded Navy contract), BA +0.3% (awarded a $671 mln Defense Logistics Agency contract), CDTX +0.2% (first participants dosed in Phase 3 ANCHOR trial), MTUS +0.1% (co and union extend contract)

After Hours Losers:

Companies trading lower in after hours in reaction to earnings/guidance: CNXC -21.6% (also increases dividend), LGCY -12.9%, LPTH -6.9%, COST -0.7%

Companies trading lower in after hours in reaction to news: ORGO -12% (provides update on Second Phase 3 ReNu study), NFGC -2.1% (confirms at-surface high-grade core), NN -0.6% (stock offering by selling shareholders), GVA -0.6% (wins $39 mln US Army Corps of Engineers contract), SBET -0.4% (increases share buyback authorization), MRCY -0.2% (receives $12.3 mln contract from a defense prime contractor), KURA -0.1% (publication of pivotal Ziftomenib data), CRNX -0.1% (FDA approves PALSONIFY for acromegaly)

WSJ : Can Fashion’s Bad Boy Bring Hollywood Sex Appeal Back to Gucci?

Can Fashion’s Bad Boy Bring Hollywood Sex Appeal Back to Gucci?
In the midst of a corporate turnaround, the brand revealed a vision for its future led by its new creative director Demna

Can Gucci, once the luxury conglomerate Kering’s cash cow, regain its Hollywood sparkle?

Gucci’s new creative director rolled out a lush brown carpet this week for a star-studded short-film premiere at Milan’s Palazzo Mezzanotte, the headquarters of the Italian stock exchange. Guests arrived in town cars for a preview of reformed bad boy designer Demna’s vision for Kering’s flagging luxury brand: a 33-minute sardonically comedic film about a drug-fueled birthday party with a big-budget cast including Demi Moore, Keke Palmer, Kendall Jenner, Elliot Page and Edward Norton. Earlier, the brand drummed up nostalgia with a lookbook of archival styles edited by Demna, an expert in mass-marketing.

“There are so many different Guccis,” said the mononymic Georgian designer in an interview at the screening of “The Tiger.” Since he started at the house in July after an influential 10-year run at Balenciaga, he’s been weeding through its past in order to begin again.

Can Demna succeed where his beleaguered predecessor, Sabato De Sarno, could not? Gucci’s revenue declined 25% in the first quarter of 2025, another in a long line of double-digit dips. Demna’s canny accessories and streetwear-heavy work for its Kering sibling Balenciaga quadrupled the company’s sales. But Gucci, with over 7.7 billion euros in revenue in 2024, almost $9 billion at current exchange, is still a much bigger business. Demna will need to recapture some of the product pizazz of previous Gucci designer Alessandro Michele, and ideally the uncomplicated sex appeal of Tom Ford.

At the film’s screening, cars dropped VIPs into a pit filled with photographers at carefully timed intervals. The most pivotal arrivals were not Moore, in a shimmering gold gown, or 1990s Tom Ford-era muse Gwyneth Paltrow, but Kering’s chairman François-Henri Pinault with the group’s new chief executive Luca de Meo.

De Meo joined Kering this month from Renault, where he nearly doubled the stock price and became known for his hands-on, highly visible management style. The executive embraces publicity: At Renault he was frequently photographed, and he appeared in a jovial walk-and-talk video on his first day at Kering. Demna’s Hollywood moment was a coming-out party for both him and Francesca Bellettini, the longtime Kering lieutenant who was recently named chief executive of Gucci. Bellettini and Demna, laughing together with Spike Jonze, who directed the short film with Halina Reijn, looked off to a jubilant start.

The first collection, a romp through Gucci archetypes such as the Jackie-O-ish little red coat, beige logo pieces, glamorous gowns and androgynous suits, is Demna’s edit of the brand’s history. He adjusted some shapes but didn’t actually design new product. “I felt more like a curator or editor doing this,” he said, adding that it was helpful for him to “do research before building a new vision.” He continued, “I needed to understand what Gucci is in terms of allure, in terms of style.” He said he was now excited to start the real work of designing his first true collection, to be presented in spring 2026.

In the meantime, leaning on the archives is a way to keep clients satisfied during the transitional period before Demna’s new designs become available. The archival collection shown this week will be available for sale on Sept. 25 at 10 Gucci stores globally. In recent months, Gucci has showcased house classics like the flora print, silk scarves, horsebit accessories and bamboo-handled bags. Demna, who reinvigorated Balenciaga’s Le City bag, will surely continue to play with these signatures and more. In July, he said at his last Balenciaga show that he was looking forward to having a deeper trove of house codes to play with.

Demna ceded creative control to Jonze and Reijn for “The Tiger,” which was both funnier and more poignant than most brand films. Moore plays Barbara Gucci, the head of Gucci International (who also runs the state of California) and matriarch of a sprawling dysfunctional family. At her birthday party, they take a mysterious drug and opine on the nature of capitalism at a Los Angeles estate. After the screening, Jonze and Reijn were curious about the reception, asking how everyone liked it. For the most part, viewers seemed giddy and relieved to be laughing (fashion week can get weirdly serious). The film’s co-writer Alyssa McAuliffe explained that the team wanted to explore identity and the myth of perfection—heady themes, but couched in entertainment.

Demna, who opened up the historic house of Balenciaga to youth and pop culture, will need to enliven Gucci across several demographics to help it compete with LVMH megabrands such as Dior and Louis Vuitton. It’s telling that Moore and Paltrow, in their 60s and 50s respectively, are key early muses, alongside younger models including Jenner and Alex Consani. Demna’s Gucci will need to go mass—without losing its soul.