(BFW) Iran Nuclear Accord Is Likely on Sunday, Xinhua Reports



BFW 07/12 06:28 *IRAN NUCLEAR ACCORD IS LIKELY ON SUNDAY: XINHUA

Iran Nuclear Accord Is Likely on Sunday, Xinhua Reports
2015-07-12 06:31:27.126 GMT


By Golnar Motevalli
(Bloomberg) -- Gaps continue to narrow, deal expected
Sunday, Xinhua’s news agency reports, citing a diplomat it
didn’t identify.

* NOTE: How Iran Arms Embargo Became Key Sticking Point in
Vienna Talks Link


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(Barrons) A New Approach to Bonds

A New Approach to Bonds
Bond funds tend to hold their value—unless rates are rising. Is it time to dump yours?

Robert Johnson has spent most of his career studying and teaching modern portfolio theory. So it may come as a surprise to some that Johnson, 57, has not a penny of his portfolio in bonds.

“The absolute best-case scenario for bond investors is that rates remain low in the near future, which means your best hope is the status quo with no upside,” says Johnson, president and CEO of the American College of Financial Services. “If you lock in bonds at these levels, you’re locking in a purchasing-power loss.”

Not long ago, the notion of a no-bond portfolio would have seemed crazy. But what’s really crazy, says Johnson and many of his peers, is clinging to the conventional wisdom. “What are bonds supposed to do? They’re supposed to preserve wealth, provide periodic cash flow, and hopefully some price appreciation,” he says. At the moment, however, they aren’t offering much in the way of income, and there is a real possibility that investors could lose money.

Although the bond market is anything but simple, the math is. The bull market for bonds began in September 1981, when the yield on the 10-year Treasury peaked at 15.84%. Over the past three decades, yields across the board have steadily fallen, with the bellwether 10-year dipping as low as 1.63% in May 2013. Recently it has hovered around 2.3%. As yields have fallen, bond prices have gone up, and up, and up.

That worries Johnson, and it’s the reason that Warren Buffett declared, in 2012, that bonds should come with a warning label. When interest rates do finally swing the other direction, investors will most likely flock to newer, higher-yielding bonds, and the prices of today’s bonds will decline, perhaps precipitously.

Investors who own individual bonds and hold them to maturity are insulated, of course; barring a default, they’ll still get their principal and interest.

Bond mutual funds and exchange-traded funds are a different story. These funds, by and large, don’t aim to hold bonds to maturity, and even if they did, the strategy works only if investors stay put. If fund investors run for the exit, managers have no choice but to sell into a declining market.

That exit may be already starting. In the first five months of the year, investors put more than $75 billion into taxable and municipal-bond funds, according to Lipper. But in June, the trend turned, with investors withdrawing a net $17 billion. If that presages a bigger exit, bond funds could fall sharply.


Bond funds tend to hold their value -- unless rates are rising. Is it time to dump your bond fund? Illustration: Gary Hovland for Barron's
“This might be blasphemy, but if you’re worried about rising rates, you’re almost better sitting on cash than going into a bond fund,” says Shari Burns, managing director of United Capital Financial Advisors in Seattle.

Further complicating matters are growing concerns about liquidity in the bond market. Broker-dealers are no longer willing to buy bonds unless they have a buyer already lined up. Meanwhile, the proliferation of ETFs has paired ultra-liquid vehicles with not-so-liquid assets. “If you have a bond fund or an ETF, you don’t have any maturity. That’s not a bond; that’s a stock,” says Ron Weiner, CEO of RDM Financial Group, a wealth-advisory firm with offices in Connecticut and Florida. “There is a real, real risk in bond funds.”

THAT RISK DOESN’T get talked about very often, and most investors approach retirement with a big stake in bond funds. “A lot of individual investors don’t understand that they could actually lose money in their bond funds,” says Raj Sharma, a managing director of Merrill Lynch Private Banking and Investment Group in Boston. Though he hasn’t abandoned bonds altogether, he does think investors could stand to lighten up on fixed income. “What you’re doing is rebalancing and moving away from an extremely overvalued asset class,” he explains. “You wouldn’t buy a stock with a price/earnings of 100, so why would you buy a bond that is overvalued?”

The answer in the near term may be to shift money from bonds into cash. A longer-term solution is more problematic. “It’s hard to figure out how to balance the need for yield against the risk of assets falling,” says Hersh Cohen, co-chief investment officer for Legg Mason’s ClearBridge Investments group. Mathematically, a higher allocation to stocks makes sense, says Cohen, who is manager of the ClearBridge Dividend Strategy fund (ticker: SOPAX). “But most people don’t have the temperament to have all their money in stocks,” he says.

NO DOUBT, ONE OF THE BIG arguments for sticking with bonds is that they are still the best insurance policy against stock market declines. “People have a short-term memory of the role fixed-income plays,” says Jay Sommariva, a senior portfolio manager at Fort Pitt Capital Group in Pittsburgh. Case in point, he says, is 2008, when “once the dust settled, the bonds that didn’t have credit problems bounced back before stocks.”

Even so, investors could be in for a rude awakening. The bond market has, for the past three decades, been exceptionally generous to investors. “Because rates have been falling, every time an investor wanted to get more conservative, there was very little to give up [in return],” says David Lafferty, chief market strategist of Natixis Global Asset Management in Boston. “Bonds do still play a role, but investors need to reset their expectations.”


There was a time when bonds could do it all—provide stability, income, and capital appreciation. Those days are over. Now, investors need to pick their focus. And that focus should be determined by an investor’s need, rather than a hackneyed asset-allocation plan that decrees 55-year-olds dump 55% of their assets into bonds.

But even if the conventional wisdom no longer holds true, the advice is very much the same as it ever was: Know thyself as an investor, and construct a plan that suits your timeline and temperament. That is how Johnson arrived at his no-bond portfolio. “There is a willingness and an ability to take on risk, and I have both,” says Johnson. “I’m gainfully employed and have no plans to retire any time soon. But there are people in the same exact situation who couldn’t sleep at night if the stock market fell 20%.”

MOST INVESTORS NEED some form of stability, but that can mean many different things. For some it’s psychological: When the stock market hits the skids, it’s what keeps them from making short-sighted decisions. For others, stability has practical implications: They need a certain amount of money at the ready, whether for an impending expense, or in the case of retirees, to cover living expenses.

If you fall into the first camp—you want to minimize the emotional stress of a stock market correction—a small allocation to an intermediate-term bond fund will still offer ballast against big stock market losses. “If rates [for the Barclays U.S. Aggregate index] were to go up one percentage point, that represents a 5% decline in price,” says Ken Leech, chief investment officer for Western Asset Management. “But a 5% decline is, by an order of magnitude, different from the losses you could see in stock [selloffs].” Last week’s Greek debt drama exemplifies this—bonds rallied.

Market-neutral funds (also known as long-short and absolute return funds) are designed to offer stability in turbulent stock markets. These funds, such as Vanguard Market Neutral (VMNFX) and TFS Market Neutral (TFSMX), use short-selling strategies to smooth out market volatility. “The idea with most of them is to offer performance properties similar to bonds,” says Josh Charlson, director of manager research, alternative strategies at Morningstar. The big difference, of course, is the source of stability. With these funds, he says, it comes from total return, not yield.

If your need for stability is attached to a specific goal or need, such as a tuition bill or down payment—and you need to access those funds within the next decade—you’ll want to take a different approach. If your time horizon is short, say one-to-two years, it’s probably best to stick with cash, since even short-term bond funds could experience losses in the near term.

RETIREES LOOKING for a place to stash five or 10 years’ worth of living expenses, though, run the risk of inflation outpacing the paltry returns on cash. What about hiding out in cash until rates go up? “That would be the right strategy if rates move up quickly,” says Leech. Of course, timing the bond market is even more difficult than timing the stock market. “Plenty of people have tried to capture interest rates and failed,” Leech adds.

A ladder of individual bonds may offer the best of both: stability and a systematic approach for trading up to higher-yielding bonds as your old bonds mature. “We don’t know when rates will go up, and it doesn’t matter to our clients,” says Weiner, who started moving his clients from bond funds into individual bonds in 2013. His model portfolio now calls for 75% of his clients’ bond holdings in individual bonds with laddered maturities; the rest is in short-term strategic bond funds.

This is no small commitment. You can get away with as little as $100,000 to ladder Treasuries, though some advisors will insist on more. A typical Treasury ladder might start at two years and go out to 10, with bonds maturing in two-year increments. At the current rates—1.25%, 1.77%, 2.07%, 2.21%, and 2.33% respectively—this ladder will average 1.57% per year for the first few years.

It’s just enough to keep pace with inflation, says Burns, and, as rates rise, the money used to buy each new rung of the ladder will be invested in higher-yielding bonds. If you’re looking for the higher yields of corporate bonds or the tax advantage of municipal bonds, you’ll need several times as much to achieve the requisite diversification.

Recognizing that many investors want the predictability of a bond ladder but the diversification of a fund, some firms have launched defined-maturity ETFs. These funds, such as Guggenheim BulletShares, are designed to mimic holding bonds to maturity—but these strategies still depend on your fellow investors staying put.

FOR INCOME SEEKERS, bonds are still the go-to asset for predictable payouts. Even while rising rates are ominous, the underlying demand for bonds remains strong. This is true of institutions and individuals, in the U.S. and the rest of the world.

At the same time, rates are even lower globally, and aging investors seem to be creating constant demand for bonds. “The rich are getting richer, and they’re getting older,” says Andy Chorlton, head of U.S. multi-sector fixed income for Schroder Investment Management, the United Kingdom–based asset-management giant.

That’s particularly good for tax-free municipal bonds, which offer relatively high after-tax yields.

Investors need to be choosy about credit quality, Chorlton says, but rising rates are less of a worry since municipal bonds tend not to move to the same extent as Treasuries. When rates do fall, so-called crossover buyers, or institutional investors who normally wouldn’t own tax-free muni bonds, move in and drive prices back up. “I don’t think investors need to fear rising rates in the muni market,” says Dawn Mangerson, a managing director at McDonnell Investment Management in Chicago. “One thing that helps keep a lid on yields is the supply of new issues, which is already limited and would likely dry up if rates rose in a meaningful way.”

Given that one of the biggest boosts for munis comes from their after-tax equivalent yields, your state of residence is a driving factor. If you live in a state with high income taxes and a large muni-bond market, such as California or New York, there are more opportunities and incentives to go this route.

High-yield muni bonds are also worth considering, says Merrill’s Sharma, if you are looking for income but can withstand some volatility. “With the improving economy, there is less risk of defaults,” he says. Meanwhile, their yields—recently about 4.5%—dampen the blow of rising rates. Given their complexity, these are best bought through a bond fund, such as the Delaware National High-Yield Municipal Bond (CXHYX) or the Nuveen High-Yield Municipal Bond (NHMAX).

FOR YOUNGER INVESTORS—and older ones, too—there is an appeal in the keep-it-simple approach of taking some bond risk off the table. Hold more cash or cash-equivalents (for example, ultrashort-term bond funds) than you would typically, and keep the rest in a diversified portfolio of stocks, including dividend payers.

“You’re getting a bit of a yield—and it’s commensurate with bonds—yet over the long term, the values of those securities will likely increase and so too should the dividends,” says Johnson. Indeed, the current dividend yield on the Standard & Poor’s 500 is 2%, and companies ranging from Johnson & Johnson (JNJ) to Wal-Mart Stores (WMT) have consistently raised their dividends for decades.

This isn’t to say that dividend-paying stocks aren’t vulnerable to rising rates. Any income-producing asset could lose value if higher-yielding alternatives come on the scene. Still, the prices and dividends of these stocks are more closely linked to their own prospects.

Jeremy Kisner, a certified financial planner with Surevest Wealth Management in Phoenix, notes that dividend growers may do better than those focusing on the absolute highest-dividend stocks. More importantly, consider the effects of rising rates on the underlying businesses, for better or worse. Rising rates bode well for most financial stocks, says Kisner.

“When rates go up, that’s good for banks, which are still trading at a discount,” he says. Utilities, conversely, could be hit with a double whammy from rising rates: At the same time that their dividends will be less appealing, they are large consumers of debt. “Some stocks that were traditionally thought of as stable could be more volatile,” he adds.

For investors who want income but don’t want to have to think through all of the many considerations, the fund industry has responded with so-called income-builder funds, such as the Franklin Income (FKINX) or the Thornburg Investment Income Builder (TIBAX). “If you don’t have time to put together your own bond proxy,” says Merrill’s Sharma, “income-builder funds will effectively do it for you.” Just keep in mind that they won’t do everything.

>>> A2A and Linea appoint advisors for merger

A2A and Linea appoint advisors for merger

A2A, the listed Italian utility, has appointed Banca Imi and Deloitte to advise on its merger with Lombardy-based utility Linea, Italian language daily Il Sole 24 Ore reported. The unsourced report said that Linea has chosen KPMG and Mediobanca.

The two sides have entered into exclusive negotiations until 31 July to reach a deal, the report noted.

A2A will take a controlling stake in Linea, the report noted.

Linea closed 2014 with losses of EUR 3m, the report continued . The item added that Linea had debts of EUR 352m in 2014, 3.7 times its EBITDA.

Sourced from print copy: page 29

Il Sole 24 Ore

(BFW) Schaeuble Suggests 5-Yr Grexit, Humanitarian Support, FAS Says


Schaeuble Suggests 5-Yr Grexit, Humanitarian Support, FAS Says
2015-07-11 16:35:24.108 GMT


By Paul Verschuur
(Bloomberg) -- Alternative to time-limited ‘Grexit’ would
be for Greece to transfer EU50b worth of assets to a fund which
would then sell them off to help pay down Greek debt,
Frankfurter Allgemeine SonntagsZeitung says, citing a Finance
Ministry position paper.

* If Greece left Eurozone for a limited time, it would remain
in the EU and get “growth-supporting, humanitarian and
technical assistance:” FAS
* Paper submitted to euro countries says Greek proposal
“lacks important areas of reform to modernize the country
and promote economic growth and sustainable development over
the long term”: FAS
* NOTE: European Hardliners Call Greece Trust Deficit Hurdle
to Deal


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Katharina Rosskopf

(BFW) German SPD to Only Approve Greek Aid With Controls: Tagesspiegel



German SPD to Only Approve Greek Aid With Controls: Tagesspiegel
2015-07-11 15:09:49.915 GMT


By Nicholas Brautlecht
(Bloomberg) -- Germany’s Social Democratic Party will only
back a 3rd Greek aid package in parliamentary vote if Greece
agrees to strict monitoring of compliance on planned reforms,
Tagesspiegel am Sonntag says, citing Thomas Oppermann, SPD
caucus leader.

* NOTE: European Hardliners Call Greece Trust Deficit Key
Hurdle to Deal

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(The Guardian) Germany won’t spare Greek pain – it has an interest in breaking u

Germany won’t spare Greek pain – it has an interest in breaking us http://bit.ly/1JVM7vZ

Debt restructuring has always been our aim in negotiations – but for some eurozone leaders Grexit is the goal
Noma Bar's lifebuoy for Greece
Greece’s financial drama has dominated the headlines for five years for one reason: the stubborn refusal of our creditors to offer essential debt relief. Why, against common sense, against the IMF’s verdict and against the everyday practices of bankers facing stressed debtors, do they resist a debt restructure? The answer cannot be found in economics because it resides deep in Europe’s labyrinthine politics.

In 2010, the Greek state became insolvent. Two options consistent with continuing membership of the eurozone presented themselves: the sensible one, that any decent banker would recommend – restructuring the debt and reforming the economy; and the toxic option – extending new loans to a bankrupt entity while pretending that it remains solvent.

Official Europe chose the second option, putting the bailing out of French and German banks exposed to Greek public debt above Greece’s socioeconomic viability. A debt restructure would have implied losses for the bankers on their Greek debt holdings.Keen to avoid confessing to parliaments that taxpayers would have to pay again for the banks by means of unsustainable new loans, EU officials presented the Greek state’s insolvency as a problem of illiquidity, and justified the “bailout” as a case of “solidarity” with the Greeks.

To frame the cynical transfer of irretrievable private losses on to the shoulders of taxpayers as an exercise in “tough love”, record austerity was imposed on Greece, whose national income, in turn – from which new and old debts had to be repaid – diminished by more than a quarter. It takes the mathematical expertise of a smart eight-year-old to know that this process could not end well.

Once the sordid operation was complete, Europe had automatically acquired another reason for refusing to discuss debt restructuring: it would now hit the pockets of European citizens! And so increasing doses of austerity were administered while the debt grew larger, forcing creditors to extend more loans in exchange for even more austerity.

Our government was elected on a mandate to end this doom loop; to demand debt restructuring and an end to crippling austerity. Negotiations have reached their much publicised impasse for a simple reason: our creditors continue to rule out any tangible debt restructuring while insisting that our unpayable debt be repaid “parametrically” by the weakest of Greeks, their children and their grandchildren.

In my first week as minister for finance I was visited by Jeroen Dijsselbloem, president of the Eurogroup (the eurozone finance ministers), who put a stark choice to me: accept the bailout’s “logic” and drop any demands for debt restructuring or your loan agreement will “crash” – the unsaid repercussion being that Greece’s banks would be boarded up.

Five months of negotiations ensued under conditions of monetary asphyxiation and an induced bank-run supervised and administered by the European Central Bank. The writing was on the wall: unless we capitulated, we would soon be facing capital controls, quasi-functioning cash machines, a prolonged bank holiday and, ultimately, Grexit.

The threat of Grexit has had a brief rollercoaster of a history. In 2010 it put the fear of God in financiers’ hearts and minds as their banks were replete with Greek debt. Even in 2012, when Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, decided that Grexit’s costs were a worthwhile “investment” as a way of disciplining France et al, the prospect continued to scare the living daylights out of almost everyone else.

By the time Syriza won power last January, and as if to confirm our claim that the “bailouts” had nothing to do with rescuing Greece (and everything to do with ringfencing northern Europe), a large majority within the Eurogroup – under the tutelage of Schäuble – had adopted Grexit either as their preferred outcome or weapon of choice against our government.

Greeks, rightly, shiver at the thought of amputation from monetary union. Exiting a common currency is nothing like severing a peg, as Britain did in 1992, when Norman Lamont famously sang in the shower the morning sterling quit the European exchange rate mechanism (ERM). Alas, Greece does not have a currency whose peg with the euro can be cut. It has the euro – a foreign currency fully administered by a creditor inimical to restructuring our nation’s unsustainable debt.

To exit, we would have to create a new currency from scratch. In occupied Iraq, the introduction of new paper money took almost a year, 20 or so Boeing 747s, the mobilisation of the US military’s might, three printing firms and hundreds of trucks. In the absence of such support, Grexit would be the equivalent of announcing a large devaluation more than 18 months in advance: a recipe for liquidating all Greek capital stock and transferring it abroad by any means available.

With Grexit reinforcing the ECB-induced bank run, our attempts to put debt restructuring back on the negotiating table fell on deaf ears. Time and again we were told that this was a matter for an unspecified future that would follow the “programme’s successful completion” – a stupendous Catch-22 since the “programme” could never succeed without a debt restructure.

This weekend brings the climax of the talks as Euclid Tsakalotos, my successor, strives, again, to put the horse before the cart – to convince a hostile Eurogroup that debt restructuring is a prerequisite of success for reforming Greece, not an ex-post reward for it. Why is this so hard to get across? I see three reasons.

Europe did not know how to respond to the financial crisis. Should it prepare for an expulsion (Grexit) or a federation?
One is that institutional inertia is hard to beat. A second, that unsustainable debt gives creditors immense power over debtors – and power, as we know, corrupts even the finest. But it is the third which seems to me more pertinent and, indeed, more interesting.

The euro is a hybrid of a fixed exchange-rate regime, like the 1980s ERM, or the 1930s gold standard, and a state currency. The former relies on the fear of expulsion to hold together, while state money involves mechanisms for recycling surpluses between member states (for instance, a federal budget, common bonds). The eurozone falls between these stools – it is more than an exchange-rate regime and less than a state.

And there’s the rub. After the crisis of 2008/9, Europe didn’t know how to respond. Should it prepare the ground for at least one expulsion (that is, Grexit) to strengthen discipline? Or move to a federation? So far it has done neither, its existentialist angst forever rising. Schäuble is convinced that as things stand, he needs a Grexit to clear the air, one way or another. Suddenly, a permanently unsustainable Greek public debt, without which the risk of Grexit would fade, has acquired a new usefulness for Schauble.

What do I mean by that? Based on months of negotiation, my conviction is that the German finance minister wants Greece to be pushed out of the single currency to put the fear of God into the French and have them accept his model of a disciplinarian eurozone.

(BFW) Monsanto’s Goal of Syngenta Deal Isn’t to Fix Weakness: BZ


Monsanto’s Goal of Syngenta Deal Isn’t to Fix Weakness: BZ
2015-07-11 07:50:07.767 GMT


By Nicholas Brautlecht
(Bloomberg) -- Monsanto “doesn’t want to fix weaknesses
with a Syngenta takeover,” Boersen-Zeitung says, citing CEO
Hugh Grant in interview.

* Co’s “strategic problems are a myth”
* Idea behind takeover is to accelerate growth at both cos
* Farmers would benefit from takeover
* NOTE July 10: Syngenta Profit in Spotlight as Monsanto
Courts Investors

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(ZeroHedge) Varoufakis' Stunning Accusation: Schauble Wants A Grexit "To Put The

Varoufakis' Stunning Accusation: Schauble Wants A Grexit "To Put The Fear Of God" Into The French

Earlier we reported that Yanis Varoufakis, seemingly detained by "family reasons" would be unable to join his fellow parliamentarians and personally vote in what is likely the most important vote of Syriza's administration: the one in which he and his party capitulate to the Troika and vote "Yes" to the proposal he and Tsipras urged everyone to reject just one week ago.

Subsequently, it was made clear what these family reasons are:

The self-described “erratic Marxist” will be on the nearby holiday island of … Aegina. In fact, he Tweeted that he reason for his absence is “family reasons”. Nevertheless, two hours before his Tweet was posted, the once obscure academic was spotted on the ferry boat “Phivos”, headed for Aegina, where his wife owns a stylish vacation home.
The author of the “global Minotaur” nevertheless sent a letter to the Parliament president saying he would vote “yes” for the proposal, although the letter will not be counted, given that Parliament regulations stipulate that only deputies on official Parliament business are allowed to cast votes via correspondence.

Judgment aside about his decision to take a holiday from a vote that his strategy guided Greece into, it was clear that he has Wifi on the ferry because this afternoon, While V-Fak may well have been in transit, the Guardian released an Op-Ed penned by Varoufakis titled "Germany won’t spare Greek pain – it has an interest in breaking us." Readers can read it in its entirety here but here is the punchline:

This weekend brings the climax of the talks as Euclid Tsakalotos, my successor, strives, again, to put the horse before the cart – to convince a hostile Eurogroup that debt restructuring is a prerequisite of success for reforming Greece, not an ex-post reward for it. Why is this so hard to get across? I see three reasons.
One is that institutional inertia is hard to beat. A second, that unsustainable debt gives creditors immense power over debtors – and power, as we know, corrupts even the finest. But it is the third which seems to me more pertinent and, indeed, more interesting.
The euro is a hybrid of a fixed exchange-rate regime, like the 1980s ERM, or the 1930s gold standard, and a state currency. The former relies on the fear of expulsion to hold together, while state money involves mechanisms for recycling surpluses between member states (for instance, a federal budget, common bonds). The eurozone falls between these stools – it is more than an exchange-rate regime and less than a state.
And there’s the rub. After the crisis of 2008/9, Europe didn’t know how to respond. Should it prepare the ground for at least one expulsion (that is, Grexit) to strengthen discipline? Or move to a federation? So far it has done neither, its existentialist angst forever rising. Schäuble is convinced that as things stand, he needs a Grexit to clear the air, one way or another. Suddenly, a permanently unsustainable Greek public debt, without which the risk of Grexit would fade, has acquired a new usefulness for Schauble.
What do I mean by that? Based on months of negotiation, my conviction is that the German finance minister wants Greece to be pushed out of the single currency to put the fear of God into the French and have them accept his model of a disciplinarian eurozone.
He does have a point: Recall "Forget Grexit, "Madame Frexit" Says France Is Next: French Presidential Frontrunner Wants Out Of "Failed" Euro." So perhaps making an example of the social collapse that would result from a Eurozone exit, would be seen a good lesson for French voters ahead of the 2017 French presidential elections in Schauble's mind

But is Varoufakis right? Perhaps ... but also recall this from the FT in 2014 recalling Europe's first formulation of Plan Z:

To the astonishment of almost everyone in the room, Angela Merkel began to cry.
“Das ist nicht fair.” That is not fair, the German chancellor said angrily, tears welling in her eyes. “Ich bringe mich nicht selbst um.” I am not going to commit suicide.
For those who witnessed the breakdown in a small conference room in the French seaside resort of Cannes, it was shocking enough to watch Europe’s most powerful and emotionally controlled leader brought to tears.
But the scene was even more remarkable, those present said, for the two objects of her ire: the man sitting next to her, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, and the other across the table, US President Barack Obama.
Greece was imploding politically; Italy, a country too big to bail out, appeared just days away from being cut off from global financial markets; and Ms Merkel, try as Mr Sarkozy and Mr Obama might, could not be convinced to increase German contributions to the eurozone’s “firewall” – the “big bazooka” or “wall of money” they believed had to grow dramatically to fend off attacks by panicking bond traders.
Instead, a cornered Ms Merkel threw the French and American criticism back in their faces. If Mr Sarkozy or Mr Obama did not like the way her government ran, they had only themselves to blame. After all, it was their allied militaries that had “imposed” the German constitution on a defeated wartime foe six decades earlier.
“It was the point where clearly the eurozone as we know it could have exploded,” said a member of the French delegation at Cannes. “It was the feeling [that with] the contagion, at this point, you were on the brink of explosion.”
Will this time Merkel risk the explosion of the Eurozone with her own actions: her biggest historic legacy? Probably not, and while Schauble has much sway, it is still Merkel's word over his.

No, Varoufakis may be right about Greece being made an example of (unless he is merely trying to deflect blame from himself for putting Greece in this position and for conspicuously avoiding voting for a plan he himself derided untilt the end), but the one person who will decide the future of Greece in the Eurozone is neither Schauble nor Merkel but Mario Draghi, also known as Goldman Sachs. Because if Goldman wants more Q€, it will get more Q€.

WSJ : Greece Awaits Europe’s Verdict as Lawmakers Approve Debt Plan

Greece Awaits Europe’s Verdict as Lawmakers Approve Debt Plan

Parliament votes overwhelmingly to support Athens’s new proposals as Eurozone leaders voice optimism

BRUSSELS—Greece’s U-turn on economic overhauls and budget cuts raised cautious optimism Friday that the country could avoid careening out of the eurozone, although its biggest creditor, Germany, was conspicuously quiet.

Disagreements persist as eurozone finance ministers and leaders planned to convene Saturday and Sunday to decide how much more money and political capital they are prepared to spend on keeping the flailing country afloat.

Only unanimous agreement on the amount of new rescue loans and debt relief to grant Athens will allow the country to avoid full-on bankruptcy and Greek banks to reopen Monday with euros in their tills.

Some European officials cautioned that even a broad deal this weekend could collapse later once it comes to nailing down the details and implementing the new measures. The two sides “might end up in agreement in principle,” said one official. “But whether [a bailout] program [is] ever accepted or money disbursed is another thing.”

The three institutions that have been overseeing Greece’s aid packages—the International Monetary Fund, the European Commission and the European Central Bank—told national finance ministries early Saturday that they believe the country is eligible for another support program, according to a European official. An official familiar with those talks said new financing needs had been the most divisive issue during that quality check.

The Greek parliament was also debating it into the early morning hours. In an emotional address after midnight in Athens, Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, in office only since January, said the proposal contains measures that would help the economy.

“There is no doubt that for six months now we’ve been in a war,” he said. “Now I have the feeling we’ve reached the line of demarcation. From here on there is a minefield, and I don’t have the right to dismiss this or hide it from the Greek people.”

While the vote in Athens won’t create new legislation, European officials have said that it will give a good indication of the government’s ability and willingness to follow through on its new plans.

After days in which a Greek exit was openly discussed in Brussels and Frankfurt, stock markets rallied Friday on both sides of the Atlantic and the euro strengthened on the prospect of a last-minute deal.

French President François Hollande, whose government had helped Athens prepare its new proposals, called them “serious and credible.” Even Slovakia’s finance minister, one of the harshest public critics of Greece’s efforts in recent months, gave a cautious thumbs-up.

“It seems we have progress on Greece,” Peter Kazimir said in a Twitter message, while cautioning that some austerity measures may have to be implemented faster.

“One can wonder how quickly can [a] caterpillar turn into a butterfly,” Mr. Kazimir added.

The German government said it was too early to evaluate Greece’s proposals, however, while Chancellor Angela Merkel’s conservative allies in parliament questioned whether the Greek government had any credibility to implement overhauls.

A spokesman for German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble once again rejected writing off any of the previous rescue loans—a move that the IMF has called for.

U.S. Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew was among those cautiously optimistic about an emergency-financing deal.

“If you look at the proposal that’s on the table last night, it certainly looks like they are getting closer,” Mr. Lew said in New York. “It’s certainly in a better place today than it was a couple of days ago.”

“But I’ve said that before in the last few weeks,” he said. “We’ve also seen that they’ve had trouble going from close to closed.”

There isn’t too much time for deliberations. Greek banking officials have warned that the country’s banks may run out of cash to allow even limited withdrawals from depositors after Monday. And on July 20, the country has to pay €3.5 billion ($3.9 billion) in bonds and €700 million in interest to the European Central Bank.

Without a new aid transfer by then, the left-wing government of Mr. Tsipras will default on the institution that has kept its lenders on life support in recent weeks. Failure to pay could lead the ECB to cut emergency lending to Greek banks, a move that would likely force the government to print its own currency to recapitalize them.

Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi said he was more optimistic about a deal with Greece, but added that an eventual agreement wouldn’t “differ much” from what creditors proposed to Athens about 15 days ago.

Germany, which is eager to keep new support to Greece to a minimum, is bound to clash this weekend with the IMF over the fund’s demands for steep debt write-downs and its high financing estimates.

But ditching the IMF from the new bailout would create problems in Berlin and other hawkish capitals, where parliaments have tied bailout approvals to its participation.

In documents submitted late Thursday, the Greek government said it would need €53.5 billion in new loans to get it through the next three years, along with enough debt relief to make repayments more manageable.

Shortly after, the IMF warned that its previous estimates for the amount of debt relief and bailout loans Greece needs in the coming years are now outdated.

Two weeks of capital controls have hit Greece’s economy and financial system hard. That means IMF estimates that foresaw more than €60 billion in new rescue loans and a doubling of existing loan maturities to 60 years are no longer sufficient, the fund’s chief economist said.

In Athens, some members of the government and Mr. Tsipras’s ruling Syirza party voiced doubts about the plan—especially given the overwhelming rejection of similar measures during last weekend’s referendum.

Energy Minister Panagiotis Lafazanis, who leads the party’s far-left faction, said the proposals were incompatible with Syriza’s program. “Greece’s proposal cannot solve the country’s problems and doesn't give it a positive outlook,” Mr. Lafazanis said.

FT : Cheer up, the post-human era is dawning

Cheer up, the post-human era is dawning

Artificial minds will not be confined to the planet on which we have evolved, writes Martin Rees

So vast are the expanses of space and time that fall within an astronomer’s gaze that people in my profession are mindful not only of our moment in history, but also of our place in the wider cosmos. We wonder whether there is intelligent life elsewhere; some of us even search for it. People will not be the culmination of evolution. We are near the dawn of a post-human future that could be just as prolonged as the billions of years of Darwinian selection that preceded humanity’s emergence.
The far future will bear traces of humanity, just as our own age retains influences of ancient civilisations. Humans and all they have thought might be a transient precursor to the deeper cogitations of another culture — one dominated by machines, extending deep into the future and spreading far beyond earth.

Not everyone considers this an uplifting scenario. There are those who fear that artificial intelligence will supplant us, taking our jobs and living beyond the writ of human laws. Others regard such scenarios as too futuristic to be worth fretting over. But the disagreements are about the rate of travel, not the direction. Few doubt that machines will one day surpass more of our distinctively human capabilities. It may take centuries but, compared to the aeons of evolution that led to humanity’s emergence, even that is a mere bat of the eye. This is not a fatalistic projection. It is cause for optimism. The civilisation that supplants us could accomplish unimaginable advances — feats, perhaps, that we cannot even understand.
Human brains, which have changed little since our ancestors roamed the African savannah, have allowed us to penetrate the secrets of the quantum and the cosmos. But there is no reason to think that our comprehension is matched to an understanding of all the important features of reality. Some day we may hit the buffers. There are chemical and metabolic limits to the size and power of “wet” organic brains.
Today’s computers do not learn like we do. Their internal network is far simpler than a human brain, but they partly make up for this disadvantage because their “nerves” transmit messages at the speed of light, millions of times faster than the chemical transmission in human brains. They can learn to identify dogs, cats and human faces by crunching through millions of images. They learn to translate from foreign languages by reading multilingual versions of millions of pages of EU rules, among other documents (and, crucially, they never get bored).
These are primitive steps, and there is disagreement about the route towards machines of human-level intelligence. Some think we should emulate nature, and reverse-engineer the human brain. Others say that is as misguided as designing flying machine by copying how birds flap their wings. Philosophers debate whether “consciousness” is special to the wet, organic brains of humans, apes and dogs, so that robots, even if their intellects seem superhuman, will still lack self-awareness or inner life. But of the kind of “thinking” that has enabled humans to understand and then harness the forces of nature, far more will be done by silicon computers (or quantum ones) than has ever been managed by people.

Artificial minds will not be confined to the 14 mile layer of water, air and rock in which organic life has evolved at the earth’s surface. Indeed this biosphere may be far from an optimal habitat for post-human “life”. Interplanetary and interstellar space will be the preferred arena for the grand constructions of robotic fabricators, including the non-biological brains that might one day develop insights as far beyond our imaginings as string theory is for a monkey.
The collective activities of human brains have underpinned the emergence of all our culture and science. They may not have been the first intelligences in the cosmos, however, and they are most unlikely to be the last. Searches for extraterrestrial intelligence are attracting growing support. Astronomers have learnt in the past decade that there are likely to be billions of earthlike planets, orbiting stars in our galaxy. Searches will focus on the nearest of these. But we do not know how likely it is that chemistry generates life (replicating, metabolising, entities), nor what chance primitive organisms have of evolving to earth-like biospheres. If our searches fail, there will be a compensation: if advanced life is exceedingly rare, we need be less cosmically modest. Our earth, though a tiny speck in the cosmos, could be the unique “seed” from which intelligence spreads through the galaxy.
Our era of organic intelligence is a triumph of complexity over entropy, but a transient one, which will be followed by a vastly longer period of inorganic intelligences less constrained by their environment. If life is widespread, worlds orbiting stars older than the sun could have had a head-start. If so, aliens are likely long ago to have transitioned beyond the organic stage.
We have no crystal ball. But it is a fair bet that machines, not organic brains, will most fully understand the cosmos. They may be our own remote descendants. Or they may be out there already, orbiting distant stars. Either way, it will be the actions of autonomous machines that will most drastically change the world, and perhaps what lies beyond.