Why the US squeeze on Iran only strengthens the Revolutionary Guard
The Trump administration is bolstering the reputation of commander Qasem Soleimani as a hero
I should know better than to make a prediction about the Middle East. But here I am, making a prediction. The next president of Iran will be Qasem Soleimani, commander of the overseas arm of the hardline Revolutionary Guard and master of Tehran’s influence across the region. And here’s more: if he’s not president in two years, he will be more powerful still — as the kingmaker deciding on the next supreme leader, the highest position in the Islamic republic.
If I’m wrong, I’ll blame the IMF for this bet. It was while reading about the fund’s latest forecasts that I realised the Islamic republic was heading for more militarism. The main beneficiary will be Major General Soleimani, the charismatic 62-year-old soldier already basking in (Iranian-style) glory.
Of course, most of the world, which once looked forward to rehabilitating Iran and ridding it of nuclear weapons, will blame the US administration of Donald Trump — and they would be right. Iran is a troublemaker, no doubt. But it is US radicalism that is now feeding more Iranian extremism.
Before I get to Maj Gen Soleimani, a fascinating if scary character, here’s the backdrop: last week, the US said it would eliminate waivers on Iran’s oil exports, which means that some of the largest buyers, such as China and India, would face sanctions if they continued their purchases. Since the US withdrew from the 2015 nuclear agreement, Iran’s oil exports have halved, to 1.3m barrels a day. The US administration aims for them to fall all the way to “zero”. That’s why the IMF projects that Iran’s economy will contract by 6 per cent this year and that inflation will close in on 40 per cent. The forecasts could worsen, depending on how little oil Iran can still sell.
The denial of waivers followed another unprecedented step: designation of the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organisation, the first time the US has branded a part of any government as terrorist. In the sustained campaign waged by the White House, US policy towards the region has also shifted towards blind support for Iran’s rivals, most notably Saudi Arabia and Israel. Despite American denials, the objective is clear: to spark domestic unrest in the hope of toppling the Islamic republic’s leadership. Unless, that is, the US is considering the yet more foolish option of a military attack.
Much of the stress is aimed at breaking Maj Gen Soleimani. Instead, it is bolstering his image as a national hero. The general runs the Quds force, responsible for the regional meddling the US and its allies seek to curb. That includes support for the murderous regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria and funnelling weapons and military expertise to other non-state actors in Lebanon and Yemen. Israel’s military is so obsessed with Maj Gen Soleimani that on his birthday in March, the Israel Defense Forces tweeted a video of a layered cake with moving images of birthday wishes from all of Iran’s proxies. As the video concludes, the cake explodes.
Many Iranians bemoan the behaviour of the Quds force and oppose the political and financial cost to the state. Yet they also credit Maj Gen Soleimani with keeping the Sunni extremists of Isis at bay and expect him to be the first line of defence against any US attack. In a poll conducted last year by the University of Maryland’s Center for International and Security Studies, two in three Iranians surveyed held a very favourable opinion of him.
Cleverly, the general has never shown political ambition. But he has cultivated ties with both reformist and hardline political camps. Although the Revolutionary Guard is heavily involved in business — and thoroughly corrupt — Maj Gen Soleimani has no known business interests. On social matters, too, he comes across as less of a hardliner, speaking out, for example, against the harassment of women who refuse to wear the hijab.
True, there are constraints to a military man being elevated to office in a country ruled by clerics. But the Revolutionary Guard has massively expanded its power in recent years. If Iran sees itself at war — which is, for now, a fierce economic fight but could transform into a military confrontation — it will turn to the nationalist military figure who can protect it. The tighter the squeeze on Iran, the more Maj Gen Soleimani rises to the top.