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Times : An activist investor has urged Canal+ to set out clearer long-term perfo

(The Times)

An activist investor has urged Canal+ to set out clearer long-term performance targets and improve the communication of its strategy to the market, as its stock languishes below flotation price.

A lack of “transparent communication” from the French streaming and film production company behind the Paddington films, which was London’s biggest IPO last year, was partly ­responsible for the weakness in the company’s valuation, Selwood Asset Management suggested.

“They really stand out in terms of how little disclosure they’ve given,” Karim Moussalem, chief equities ­investment officer at the UK-based hedge fund, said. While Maxime Saada, the Canal+ chief executive, had been “impressive” at private meetings, ­management had been “quieter” with the market, he added.

“Any company should have profit targets,” Moussalem said. “Because of all the moving parts with this company, it makes sense to have a target for 2027, 2028, rather than necessarily 2025, which is a transition year.”

The group has said it expects ­revenue and adjusted profit margin to grow ­“moderately” in the medium term.

Canal+ is in the throes of buying ­MultiChoice, the African TV streaming service, and extended the deadline by six months to October 8 to give regulators more time to clear the deal.

It was “understandable” that the company may want to wait until the deal closes before outlining exact ­synergies that it could realise from the acquisition, Moussalem said.

Canal+ declined to comment.

The IPO in December was seen as a boost for London, which has suffered from a relative dearth of initial public offerings in the past couple of years, something that has troubled both the City and the Treasury and which has led to reforms aimed at reinvigorating the capital’s appeal.

However, shares in Canal+, which was spun off by Vivendi, the French ­media heavyweight controlled by the billionaire Bolloré family, are now ­trading at just over 150p, almost 50 per cent lower than the listing price of 290p, after falling by about a fifth on the first day of trading. The business is now valued at £1.5 billion.

Vivendi has argued that London was the best place for the Canal+ listing due to its strength with international investors. The wider break-up was to try to narrow the conglomerate discount at which the group has traded for years.

The market had underestimated the level of “flowback” from European ­investors that cannot own UK-listed companies selling down their holdings after the spin-out, Moussalem said. The company is not included in the FTSE indices since it has continued to be domiciled in France.

An improvement in the company’s performance would be helpful for the UK market, Moussalem added, since it was not currently “giving the best image of what a listing in the UK can do”.
Selwood has said it has an interest of 0.5 per cent in the company.

FT : MOnly 3% of fines on offshore companies for not declaring UK property colle

Only 3% of fines on offshore companies for not declaring UK property collected
Transparency campaigners says failure to enforce penalties does not provide ‘strong deterrent’ against non-compliance

The UK has collected just 3 per cent of financial penalties issued to offshore companies that failed to comply with transparency legislation designed to uncover illicit wealth hidden in the property market.

The figures, released to the Financial Times by Companies House, showed that of the 444 fines issued to companies for non-compliance with the Register of Overseas Entities since January 2023, just 14 were collected. 

Transparency campaigners said that while the creation of the register was a positive step, the law was “just a piece of paper” if penalties were not enforced.

The index was introduced in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to help the UK government crack down on oligarchs and other kleptocrats.

Margot Mollat, senior researcher and policy manager at Transparency International, said that while she was “encouraged” to see Companies House using its powers, “issuing penalties but not collecting them did not provide a strong deterrent against non-compliance”.

“If the UK wants to be the anti-corruption capital of the world, it needs to deal with its enforcement gap,” she added.

Individuals that own British property through offshore vehicles had until the end of January 2023 to register such entities and publicly reveal their ownership at Companies House, with regulations enabling the government body to impose penalties introduced in June of that year.

The FT previously reported that as of July 2023, 3,103 entities had failed to comply with the legislation. Companies House said at the time that some of those may no longer exist.

Joe Powell, Labour MP for Kensington and Bayswater and chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Anti-Corruption and Responsible Tax said the register had “real potential,” but without enforcement risked “falling short of its purpose”.

Powell added that the UK government “needed to close the remaining loopholes — particularly the use of trusts, which continue to obscure ownership through opaque company structures”.

Companies House state that the size of fines is calculated based on the council tax band of the property with penalties ranging between £10,000 and £50,000 per property. Since the introduction of the register, just £700,000 has been collected from a total £22.99mn levied in fines.

If a penalty is not paid within 28 days, the Companies House website warns: “The registrar may seek to enforce the debt through the courts. This may result in a charge being placed on the entity’s property.” 

Companies House said that since the register was introduced, more than 30,000 entities had complied which helped “to improve the transparency of land and property ownership in the UK”.

They added that they worked with partners to “identify overseas entities in scope” and ensure their regulatory compliance, with their focus remaining on “improving the quality of the register, so transparency is further enhanced”. 

FT : Missile maker MBDA hits snags in effort to re-arm Europe

Missile maker MBDA hits snags in effort to re-arm Europe
Manufacturer of Storm Shadow or Scalp missiles has increased production but inefficiencies hinder expansion efforts

Europe’s war effort for Ukraine has one of its front lines in the historic town of Bourges in central France, a hub for defence companies. Here, European missile champion MBDA has for the past three years invested heavily in new equipment and added hundreds of workers to accelerate output amid strong demand which has pushed orders to a record.

The efforts have put the group, which is best known for making the Storm Shadow/Scalp missile, on track to double production this year compared with 2023.

MBDA has faced intense pressure from the French military to deliver its long-range Aster missiles faster, but like other European defence contractors, it has struggled with the costs of expansion and strained supply chains. The pan-European arms group is also finding that inefficiencies which did not matter in peacetime are now a handicap.


MBDA’s order book has ballooned to €37bn that would take about seven years to meet at its current pace.

Chief executive Éric Béranger said the group had more to do to adapt to a wartime economy in which speed and volumes are crucial for the first time in decades.

“We need to be much more industrial, so to speak, in order to face [the] challenges” of boosting production, he told the Financial Times.

MBDA’s complex manufacturing process of its powerful Aster missile is a case in point. The unfinished weapon is shipped across the Alps between France and Italy several times for different phases of production, adding months for little industrial benefit.

Such problems would be “pretty easy to solve” if MBDA were a normal company, Béranger said. But they were much harder for a cross-border defence group that needed to balance the interests of its shareholders — Airbus and Britain’s BAE Systems each hold 37.5 per cent and Italy’s Leonardo 25 per cent — as well as those the militaries it serves.


However, a proposal floated last year by Béranger to simplify the manufacturing footprint was rejected by France, which saw the reorganisation as a threat to its leadership in the group and as disruptive to the effort to increase production, said two people familiar with the matter. Nor was the UK particularly supportive, said one of them, and both viewed the proposal as favouring Italy.

“I put the question on the table of whether we should consider evolving the organisation,” Béranger said, adding talks were ongoing. But it was to be expected that the topic was “very sensitive” for the countries involved given how MBDA provided weapons crucial to their sovereignty.

MBDA, conceived as a Franco-British collaboration in 1996, with Italy joining in 2001, still stands out as one of Europe’s few successful cross-border defence companies in a region that remains fragmented with mostly national players. It makes some of the world’s most sought-after missiles, and is competitive with US groups RTX and Lockheed Martin.

In this “moment of truth” for Europe, Béranger said MBDA could be a vehicle for additional joint weapons programmes. “In our DNA, we are a tool for co-operation,” he said.


But critics say MBDA has not done enough to adapt. Sash Tusa, defence analyst at Agency Partners, said the company had been structured for the decades past of weak demand, and is “failing the current situation”.

MBDA, he added, “needs to be proactively building up working capital, heavily funding its suppliers, and establishing second sources for key components such as rocket motors, so that it can raise production”.

Tusa also questioned whether MBDA’s shareholders were cramping its ability to invest by requiring regular dividend payments.

Béranger declined to comment on the dividends. “So far, we have been able to mobilise the investments that we thought were necessary,” he said.

MBDA is planning investments of €2.4bn from 2023 to 2028 to increase production, and Béranger said that amount could rise if needed.

In Bourges, much of the focus has been on increasing production of the Aster. Made up of 10,000 components from titanium wings to high-performance computer chips, the missile is among the most complex weapons that MBDA produces.

Some €50mn was spent last year to add 12 additional robotic machines to carry out various steps of manufacturing to 50. Another dozen will be installed next year. The workflow was overhauled to accommodate the equipment and staff. Weekend shifts expanded from three people to 13, while overall hours worked at the group are on track to double from 2020 to 2025.

On a recent visit, the robots on the hangar-like factory floor where the Aster is assembled sanded down metal components and fabricated carbon fibre storage cases able to contain any accidental explosions.

Speeding up production has required creative thinking. Instead of waiting a year or more for the robotic machines to be delivered, a production manager on the Aster last year flew to Germany and Japan and convinced their manufacturers to sign long-term leases of three showroom models. They were operational in Bourges only four months later.


MBDA has reduced production time of the Aster from more than three years in 2022 to just over two years, and aims to go further. Progress has been better on the smaller, simpler Mistral and Akeron missiles.

One person who works at the company admitted the Aster was conceived when no one thought mass quantities would be needed, so there was no downside to complexity. “The production was carved up like a puzzle to keep each country happy,” the person said. “It’s an exceptional product, with proven effectiveness on the battlefield, but industrially, it’s a nightmare.”

But some steps have been hard to speed up, such as making a critical component of the missile’s guidance system that includes a circuit board studded with chips. Cutting the number of round trips between France and Italy would also be difficult and risky while also increasing output. New production lines would have to be recertified and quality standards could degrade, according to officials.

Like some peers, MBDA has bet that vertical integration will help boost its output, last year acquiring Roxel, its supplier of solid rocket motors. It will now pump in more cash to expand the group — something the smaller company would have struggled to do on its own — while also preventing competitors from buying its rocket motors that have been in short supply.

Asked if MBDA should be acquiring more suppliers similar to Roxel, Béranger said he was open to it. “There is no dogma. What matters is that it is efficient,” he said.

FT : UK and EU close ranks on defence amid Trump turmoil

UK and EU close ranks on defence amid Trump turmoil
British PM next month will host first summit with bloc’s leaders since Brexit

The global turmoil prompted by the Trump administration is deepening the EU’s resolve to sign a defence and security pact with the UK that would allow British arms companies to participate in joint arms procurement.

President Donald Trump’s threats to not protect Nato allies and his overtures to Russia have forced European countries to collectively re-arm and scale up their defence spending, while also discussing how to pool capabilities to best protect Ukraine after a possible US-brokered peace deal.

A “coalition of the willing” co-led by France and the UK has paved the way for the pact to be signed next month at a summit of EU leaders hosted by British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer — the first such meeting since Brexit.

“On defence, the Brits are basically back inside the tent,” said an EU diplomat. “We just need this agreement to affirm that.”

EU ambassadors on Friday met in preparation for that summit, with four diplomats saying a majority of capitals called for that defence and security pact to be signed in addition to a broader statement on geopolitical issues.

The European Commission has made such a document a pre-requisite for the UK’s participation in a proposed €150bn loan programme that governments can tap for military procurement.

In a sign of their close co-ordination, Britain’s defence secretary John Healey last week co-hosted a “coalition” meeting in Brussels with his French counterpart, followed by a Ukraine military supplies meeting in Germany co-chaired with his German counterpart.

At the same time, British chancellor Rachel Reeves joined EU finance ministers in Warsaw over the weekend to make the case “for deeper defence financing co-operation with our European allies”.

EU capitals are also aiming to finalise two other accords with the UK that will cover issues including energy, migration and fisheries.

The latter is a controversial issue for France, Denmark and some other coastal EU states that want to maintain their access to UK waters after an existing agreement runs out in 2026. 

The French position, restated during the EU ambassadors’ discussion on Friday, is that any push by the UK to renegotiate the level of EU access to British fishing waters would cloud the broader negotiations, including on defence.

“The war, Trump, and re-arming Europe is bringing France and the UK closer,” said a second EU diplomat. “But we need goodwill on some other things to bring the EU and UK closer.”

Both Paris and London are under pressure to find a compromise, the diplomats said, with other capitals arguing that it would be ludicrous for fishing rights — a politically sensitive but economically minor issue — to stymie closer co-operation on something as existential as Europe’s security.

“The French are looking at this with a magnifying glass while everyone else just sees the big broad obvious strategic benefit of it,” said the first EU diplomat of the defence pact.

The French embassy to the EU declined to comment.

Denmark, another EU country with a strong fishing industry, said it was “always open” to “closer co-operation with countries from outside of the European Union”.

Its economy minister Stephanie Lose told the Financial Times: “We know that we have close bonds with Norway, with the UK, so of course we should be open to explore . . . other things that could actually help strengthen Europe.”

Under the €150bn programme, governments would receive loans backed by the EU’s common budget to fund joint procurement of critical weapons such as air and missile defence systems. The defence pact would allow British defence companies, many of whom have close ties to Italian, German, Swedish and other EU defence industries, to fully participate.

Ursula von der Leyen, the commission president, and António Costa, the EU Council president representing the bloc’s governments, are both supportive of closer co-operation with the UK, the diplomats said. 

“To strengthen Europe’s defence we must do many things in the EU but we must also do many things outside of the EU, so we are open to that engagement,” said Valdis Dombrovskis, the EU economy commissioner.

FT : Italy’s biggest refinery in crisis three years after sale by Russia’s Lukoi

Italy’s biggest refinery in crisis three years after sale by Russia’s Lukoil
Greek billionaire who is now facility’s majority investor clashes with Trafigura over terms of crude supply deal

Italy’s largest refinery, which was sold by Moscow-based Lukoil after EU sanctions cut it off from Russian oil, is in crisis as the Greek billionaire who is now its majority investor and commodity giant Trafigura clash over the terms of a crude supply arrangement.

GOI Energy bought the ISAB plant in the Sicilian town of Priolo in 2023 with support from Trafigura in a last-minute deal that Franco-Israeli mining tycoon Beny Steinmetz helped arrange. The sale was approved by the Italian government but shrouded in mystery, with neither the buyer nor Rome disclosing the identity of its shareholders.

Documents seen by the Financial Times show that the largest investor in GOI’s controlling fund, Argus, at the time of the transaction was George Economou, a tycoon whose TMS Tankers was one of the biggest seaborne transporters of Russian oil following the 2022 full-blown invasion of Ukraine.

GOI and Trafigura gazumped a bid by rival trading house Vitol and US private equity group Crossbridge Energy Partners, and secured the deal despite opposition from the US government.

Economou invested in the refinery alongside Steinmetz and former Trafigura executive Michael Bobrov, according to the documents. Relations between the three men have since soured over money and the terms of a 10-year oil supply and marketing agreement signed with Trafigura, according to six people familiar with the situation.

Economou has argued that Trafigura is to blame for the refinery’s problems, complaining in meetings that the supply and offtake deal is overly favourable to the trading group, allowing it to protect its profits while the facility operates at a loss. Trafigura has said the refinery requires more investment to upgrade operations amid difficult market conditions.

Increased refinery operating costs resulting from higher prices of gas and carbon offsets are weighing on margins across Europe, making it difficult for all but the most efficient refineries to break even.

The infighting could threaten the survival of a facility that provides a fifth of Italy’s refining capacity, employs about 1,000 people directly and supports another 8,500 jobs in the local area.

It has also led to criticism of the Italian government, which approved the sale to GOI even though its largest investors had no experience of owning or operating refineries.

“These capital-intensive businesses require heavy investments, but they suffer volatile cash flow so the financial soundness of the buyer is a key element,” said Alan Gelder, vice-president of refining, chemicals and oil markets at Wood Mackenzie.

“In hindsight one could say the Italian government should have chosen another alternative than selling to [GOI Energy].”

Under the terms of the deal, GOI acquired the refinery while Trafigura agreed to provide working capital to fund its operations and, according to two people familiar with the agreement, paid GOI an upfront €30mn fee to supply the plant with crude oil and sell the refined product it produces for 10 years.

“Trafigura’s commercial arrangements with ISAB are at arm’s length and on market-based terms, in line with similar commercial agreements around the world,” Trafigura said in a statement to the FT.

“In difficult market conditions, the Priolo refinery needs substantial performance improvements and further investment to remain competitive. We have offered our assistance to ISAB and the Italian government to help secure a sustainable future for this important asset.”

ISAB lodged an application this year with Sicilian authorities to restructure the business through an out-of-court “negotiated settlement of a business crisis”.

Economou hopes to use the process to force a renegotiation or cancellation of the contract with Trafigura, according to two people familiar with the matter. Economou has also considered selling the refinery but the supply agreement has proved a major sticking point in conversations with prospective buyers, according to people familiar with the conversations.

At the time of the acquisition, Economou was presented to the Italian government as the ultimate beneficial owner of a Cypriot entity that held 52 per cent of the Argus Fund subunit, which controlled 70 per cent of GOI, according to the documents seen by the FT.

The rest of Argus Fund subunit was owned by an entity controlled by two foundations whose beneficiaries included Steinmetz’s children, the documents show.

Steinmetz’s connection to the refinery and his role in negotiating the deal with Italian authorities was revealed by the FT in 2023. 

In 2023 Economou decided to loan money to GOI Energy so it could repay an outstanding debt with Lukoil. In January last year, after GOI failed to repay the loan, he opted to convert it into equity and dilute the other shareholders, the documents show. The 71-year-old now controls 99 per cent of GOI’s shares through a complex fund structure.

GOI paid about €180mn for the plant, significantly outbidding Vitol and Crossbridge, which had offered roughly €55mn, according to two people familiar with the terms of the bids. They estimate that it also paid several hundred million euros for the oil on site at the time of the acquisition.

The Italian government approved the investment under the so-called gold power rule, which gives it the right to veto deals or impose requirements over the purchase of strategic assets.

At the time, Italian officials said they were reassured by the involvement of Trafigura and Bobrov, who is also an investor, alongside Steinmetz’s son-in-law, in Israel’s largest refinery. GOI had also offered reassurances about maintaining jobs and production levels, they said at the time.

FT : KKR names David Petraeus as chair of Middle East business

KKR names David Petraeus as chair of Middle East business
US military and CIA veteran to help spearhead private equity firm’s expansion in oil-rich region

KKR has named General David Petraeus as chair of its expanding Middle East business as money managers pile into the oil-rich Gulf region to bet on its growing economies and be closer to its sovereign wealth funds.

The US private equity firm announced the former CIA director’s appointment on Monday alongside the launch of a “dedicated investment team” for the region.

The move comes as sovereign wealth funds in the Middle East and north Africa worth an estimated $5.4tn seek to channel investment towards their domestic economies, and expect the asset managers with which they partner to show commitment to the region. 

“The Middle East is emerging as a leading investment powerhouse,” said Petraeus, who was already a partner at KKR, in a statement. He added that KKR saw opportunities to invest in or lend to “domestic businesses” in the region. 

Counter-insurgency specialist Petraeus served in the US military for 37 years and oversaw US and allied forces in the so-called “surge” of 30,000 American troops into Iraq in 2007, which sought to bring some stability to the country after the 2003 US-led invasion unleashed a devastating sectarian civil war. 

He went on to lead US Central Command and US forces in Afghanistan before being appointed CIA director by President Barack Obama in 2011. But he resigned a year later, saying he had shown “extremely poor judgment” by having an affair. Petraeus was later sentenced to two years probation and fined for sharing classified information with his lover and biographer.

The Middle East includes nations such as Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, whose economies have long suffered from conflict and corruption. But money managers are focused on the wealthy autocracies of the Gulf Co-operation Council, especially the region’s largest economies Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.  

KKR already has offices in business hub Dubai and Saudi capital Riyadh, where staff manage the firm’s partnerships with its investors. But it will now build out a dedicated team for investing in the region, based in Dubai and initially consisting of managing director Julian Barratt-Due and another colleague, a spokesperson said.

“We view the Middle East as an increasingly important destination for investment,” said KKR’s co-CEOs Joe Bae and Scott Nuttall. The firm sees particular opportunities in infrastructure, private credit and lending secured against assets, according to a recent note by the firm’s head of global macro, Henry McVey.

KKR is joining a herd of asset managers beefing up their presence in the region. Last year BlackRock struck a deal with Saudi Arabia to launch an investment firm in Riyadh, while traditional investors and hedge funds have hurried to establish offices in Abu Dhabi or Dubai.  

The New York-listed investment group’s most recent bet in the Gulf was on the region’s data centres market, acquiring a stake in UAE-based Gulf Data Hub. Details of the investment were not disclosed. 

9to5 : Tim Cook is dead set on beating Meta to ‘industry-leading’ AR glasses: re

Tim Cook is dead set on beating Meta to ‘industry-leading’ AR glasses: report

Tim Cook really wants Apple to make true AR glasses. He “cares about nothing else”, according to an Apple engineer. That said, building true AR glasses will take a lot of time.

According to Bloomberg’s Mark Gurman though, Apple is developing “its own glasses with cameras and microphones” in the meanwhile, similar to Meta Ray-Bans. Despite this interim product, AR glasses are Tim Cook’s “top priority.”

These glasses would tap heavily into Siri and Visual Intelligence, as part of Apple’s AI push. However, Apple has some privacy concerns with allowing the glasses to capture media, something that would differentiate it quite heavily from Meta’s offering.

Regardless, Gurman’s report describes it as an “interim solution” until the company is able to develop true AR glasses. Developing AR glasses still requires a number of technologies to “be perfected.” Even if all of the components are up to spec, it still needs to manufacturable at volume:

A variety of technologies need to be perfected, including extraordinarily high-resolution displays, a high-performance chip and a tiny battery that could offer hours of power each day. Apple also needs to figure out applications that make such a device as compelling as the iPhone. And all this has to be available in large quantities at a price that won’t turn off consumers.

Given the fact that Meta has had success in the smart glasses product category, and that AR glasses aren’t around the corner, it seems quite likely that Apple will launch some form of smart glasses product in the meanwhile.

According to the report, Apple AR glasses are still a top priority for Tim Cook. He is “hell-bent” on creating an “industry-leading product” before Meta, and “cares about nothing else.”

Meta unveiled its prototype Orion AR glasses last year. Those are still many years away from volume production, and the prototype cost is likely in the tens of thousands. Regardless, competition is fierce – and Tim Cook does not want to lose. It’s the “only thing he’s really spending his time on,” at least in terms of product development.

WSJ : When Is the Right Time to Tell People You Have Alzheimer’s?

When Is the Right Time to Tell People You Have Alzheimer’s?
As more people get an early diagnosis, they face the difficult decision about when and how to reveal their condition

“I have Alzheimer’s.”

Those are the three words that many of my patients most dread saying, even to their closest family. They struggle with whom to tell, when to tell, and what to tell.

There was a time not long ago when this wasn’t an issue; by the time a person was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s, it was pretty obvious that something was wrong. But now, thanks to advances in our ability to detect the disease early, more patients are being forced to confront those questions.

As the director of a memory disorders clinic, I work with such patients all the time, and see how difficult the decisions can be. One patient, an orthodontist who had to take an unexpected retirement even though his cognitive changes were barely detectable, was embarrassed and reluctant to say anything. But he and his wife decided it was time to divulge the truth. He reached out to each one of his colleagues and friends and made that simple revelation: “I have Alzheimer’s.” To his surprise and relief, everyone was supportive and empathetic. Some friends even confessed their own cognitive lapses and sought his advice on what to do.

Sadly, though, not everyone is so lucky. Given the stigma and misunderstandings about the disease, some people infantilize these patients in person or ostracize them in social circles. Co-workers or bosses sometimes question their ability to do their jobs, or perhaps even fire them.

One of my patients has two well-meaning daughters but they get frustrated with her memory lapses and sometimes scold her for them. “I hate defending myself,” my patient tells me, “but I have to have my voice heard and remind them that I’m still here.”

Still, while the reveal can be agonizing, if done carefully, the payoff can help normalize and support an otherwise difficult path.

When it’s time to tell
There is no hard and fast rule about when to tell people. It depends. But the one guiding light should be that it serves a purpose.

For my orthodontist patient and his wife, they believed the disclosure would dispel growing suspicions among family and friends. Even though the earliest symptoms of Alzheimer’s disease are often subtle, they may be more noticeable in social and work settings when a person is behaving or performing differently from before. As the disease unfolds, these mild changes are amplified by commonly associated problems such as anxiety, depression or apathy. Disclosing to others the reasons behind these changes can enable them to better understand and rally behind the affected person.

Beyond that, here are some other considerations when disclosing:

• There must be a clear and certain diagnosis based on a comprehensive and expert evaluation. Revealing a false or uncertain diagnosis only complicates the disclosure.

• The person disclosing the diagnosis must be able to explain it correctly. Telling someone you have Alzheimer’s disease without knowing exactly what that means may unnecessarily confuse them. A vague explanation may lead people to google the diagnosis and read about all sorts of extraneous, irrelevant and hyperbolic details that may never apply to the affected person.

• Focus on simple explanations and describe the current state without speculating on the future. Leave that to the experts.

• The timing and audience for a disclosure should depend on whether it helps the affected person feel understood, normalized and supported. When these factors are off, it can sometimes backfire. For example, one patient revealed her diagnosis to two co-workers in the salon where she worked, hoping they would better understand her occasional lapses. One co-worker was supportive and jumped in to help when needed, while the other began to steer away clients since she perceived her as more impaired than she actually was. In retrospect, my patient wishes she had been more selective about who she told.

As the disease progresses and symptoms become more obvious, the circle of people in the know will likely enlarge, providing a precious opportunity to accurately educate them and seek their support.

How to tell
The basic strategy of how to tell others about an Alzheimer’s diagnosis is to craft the message to their level of understanding and involvement. A close family or friend, for instance, will benefit from a direct reveal of the diagnosis along with a basic explanation of how it was determined. Since people will be motivated to help, it’s also good to be specific about what’s needed, such as planning regular and enjoyable social activities and excursions, help with transportation and breaks for the caregiver.

If a diagnosis is made in midlife, there may be school-age children or adolescents who need to be told. Again, the guiding rule should be to speak to their level of understanding, provide reassurance and normalize life for them. It also depends on the specific child: While the diagnosis may frighten a more-dependent child, it may be taken in stride by a more-independent teen.

Sharing a diagnosis with a co-worker, supervisor or employer carries the risk that they will scrutinize the person’s job performance and worry about productivity, safety and liability. One of my patients who is an attorney was asked to retire immediately after informing his firm, not because of concerns about his still-excellent performance, but due to fears of how clients and opposing parties might question it if word got out.

An Alzheimer’s specialist is best able to judge how the disease may affect work and whether adjustments or even early retirement need to be considered. If a disclosure to one’s employer seems necessary, a confidential discussion with human resources staff is always the best first step.

Advice for the receiver
There are a few golden rules for someone who is the recipient of a reveal.

First, listen and don’t make it about yourself or other people you know with cognitive changes. Everyone is different and you need to simply let someone describe his or her own journey.

Second, don’t offer your own theories or therapies; leave it to the experts.

Third, spend time with such people as you normally would and don’t ostracize or abandon them. You can’t catch it from being around them.

Fourth, focus on people’s strengths and abilities and don’t remind them of what they forgot or can’t do as well.

Fifth, ask about family and care partners, who are going to need your support as well. Don’t be shy: Ask affected individuals and care partners what is needed, and jump in. It can be a lonely road without the presence of others.

After three decades of service in the Alzheimer’s storm, I know how tough it is to navigate a diagnostic disclosure, whether from doctor to patient or from patient to friends and family. But I have one firm belief, which is that the way we provide care and support has the potential to change each person’s course for the better. It isn’t always easy, and we sometimes have to fight our own instincts, but doing it right can make all the difference.